It is an
honour for the United Nations to act everywhere where
the freedom of peoples is denied. It is an honour for
the United Nations to act where fundamental rights are
compromised. It is an honour for the United Nations to
intervene where extremism threatens the security of the
world. It is an honour for the United Nations to act on
behalf of peace.
In Syria, the situation is becoming urgent because
120,000 people have died over the past two and a half
years — 90,000 in the past year alone. One-fourth of
the population is displaced. Millions of Syrians have
become refugees and the country has been destroyed.
The worst happened on 21 August in Damascus,
when chemical weapons were used against civilians,
including women and children. United Nations
inspectors, sent officially on behalf of the Organization
have, established unequivocally and with certainty the
use of these weapons.
In the face of this horrifying crime, France sought a
strong reaction to punish this violation of international
law and to dissuade Bashir Al-Assad’s regime from
committing new massacres. This pressure exerted by
my country, along with others, in particular the United
States, has seen some initial results. Negotiations are
under way as we speak to ensure the verification and
destruction of Syria’s chemical weapons.
However, if these negotiations are to attain their
ultimate end, I have set out three requirements. The
first is that any text must clearly make it possible for
the Security Council to become seized of this issue of
chemical weapons at any given moment. The second
requirement is that the draft resolution we are preparing
provides for coercive measures under Chapter VII in
the event that the Syrian regime fails to respect its
commitments. Since the agreement signed between the
United States and Russia has the same provision, that is
all the more reason to include it in the draft resolution.
The third requirement is that those who have committed
these crimes must be held accountable before justice.
But we cannot limit ourselves to this draft
resolution, which must be adopted soon. We must
end this war, the deadliest since the beginning of the
century. The solution is political. Too much time has
been squandered, and I will not refer again to the
blocking of action in the Security Council. During this
period, not only has the regime increased its violence,
but terrorist groups have also taken advantage of the
international community’s inertia, to the detriment of
the democratic forces found within the Syrian National
Coalition.
This is why the “Geneva II” conference must be
held as soon as possible. For France, however, Geneva
II is not just a talk shop. It must be a conference to
define the objective for putting in place a transitional
Government with full executive powers, mandated to
re-establish civil peace, to protect all communities and
to organize elections in due time. I am sometimes asked
about participants in this conference. My response is
simple. All countries — and I repeat, all countries — that
accept the goal of installing a transitional Government
and clearly acknowledge their commitment to a political
solution will be welcome at the conference.
Of equal urgency is the humanitarian situation. In
Syria, the displaced are in the millions, and there are
now more than 1.5 million refugees in Turkey, Jordan
and Lebanon. The prolongation of the crisis poses
a direct threat to the unity and security of Lebanon,
nearly 20 per cent of whose population is now of Syrian
origin.
I would like to thank Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon for having organized the first meeting of the
International Support Group for Lebanon. France is
committed to that country because we know how much
it has suffered in recent years from disturbances in the
Middle East and how much it needs to be supported
today in its efforts to host refugees.
There are serious concerns in that part of the
Middle East, but there are also glimmers of hope.
The first is the resumption of negotiations between
the Israelis and the Palestinians. Only that will enable
peace to be achieved. It requires the coexistence of
two States, both with safe and recognized borders.
We must do everything to ensure that the opportunity
that now exists for Israelis, Palestinians and the entire
region is seized to finally bring an end to a conflict that
whose regional and international repercussions are well
known to us all. Negotiating peace between Israel and
Palestine would be an historic act.
The second glimmer of hope is found in the
statements of the new Iranian President, which reflect
an evolution. I will not exaggerate them, but the question
now is to know whether those words will be translated
into actions, in particular concerning the nuclear
issue. For the past 10 years, our discussions have not
progressed, leading the the international community
to adopt increasingly severe sanctions. The situation
is dangerous, as we all know. Therefore, France
expects from Iran concrete gestures reflecting that
country’s renunciation its military nuclear programme,
although it clearly retains the right to pursue its civilian
programme. That is why I have chosen to engage in
direct and open dialogue with President Rouhani. I will
also say from this rostrum that while I am in favour of
dialogue, I remain firm on the serious issue of nuclear
proliferation.
The Middle East is not the only region of the
world that is of concern to us. Africa has fallen prey to
terrorism, and the barbaric attack in Nairobi confirms
that to us once again, tragically. Victories are possible
against terrorism. In Mali, with the clear mandate of
the Security Council, African and French forces, with
the support of Europe, intervened in response to the
appeal of the authorities in Bamako and brought an end
to a broad terrorist offensive. Today we see the results.
Mali has regained its territorial integrity. It has ensured
the security of its population, and it has even been able
to hold, on the scheduled date, a presidential election
that has been recognized as incontestable. I welcome
the new President of Mali, Mr. Ibrahim Boubacar .eita.
His election is evidence of a great victory for West
Africa against terrorism.
However, the threat continues to weigh heavily on
the Sahel and in Libya, where weapons are uniquitous
and where terrorist groups have found refuge. We must
assist the Libyan authorities to ensure the security
of their territory and of their population. France is
prepared to do so.
I would like to sound an alarm, as I did last year
with respect to Mali. The warning here is about the
Central African Republic — a small country that has
been ravaged by coups and conflicts for years. Today,
chaos has taken root and civilians are yet again its
victims. We must bring an end to the abuse, which is
also sectarian in nature. That is why I would like the
Security Council to issue a mandate and provide the
logistical and financial means to create an African
force, with its first mission to re-establish stability in
the Central African Republic.
In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, women
and children are victims of violence every day in the
Kivu region. Again, it is essential that we continue
to strengthen the United Nations Organization
Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, to implement the Addis Ababa agreement, and
to reject all external interference.
We must learn from the experience of recent years.
Everywhere chaos reigns, terrorism takes root and
grows. That is the case in Somalia, and the horrific
attack against Kenya reminds us that Al-Shaabab-
affiliated groups, while they have been defeated, have
not yet been eradicated. That is why the international
community must help African States to protect
themselves.
France will convene, late this year, a meeting on
peace and security in Africa. France has invited all
African countries; Europe will be represented, as will
the United Nations. The purpose of the meeting is to
enable the establishment, training and equipping of
African armies to ensure the security of the continent
and combat all traffickers, particularly drug traffickers,
and piracy. Africans themselves must ensure their
security, but we cannot leave them to face the terrorist
threat alone.
The best weapons we have are our development
policies, because poverty, unemployment and inequality
provide fertile soil for violence and insecurity. Again,
France calls for the mobilization of the international
community through new funds that we must create to
finance the necessary infrastructures and to enable
access to essential public services.
France is fighting, along with Europe, for the
introduction of innovative financing. My country’s tax
on airline tickets, which helps finance the International
Drug Purchase Facility (UNITAID), has brought in
more than €1 billion since 2006. My country has decided
to increase that tax by a further 10 per cent to enhance
our fight against the great pandemics: HIV/AIDS,
tuberculosis and malaria. With Europe, France has
also established a tax on financial transactions. I have
decided to allocate 10 per cent of that income towards
such development-related actions as access to water
and renewable energy, because with development
assistance we can help the poorest countries to ensure
their future, and thereby their security, and to respond
to global warming, which concerns us all.
France is available to host the 2015 climate
conference. This matter, too, respresents a threat to
our own security, because one report after another
states that if we do nothing, by the end of this century
the temperature of the planet will have increased by
three or four degrees Centigrade, with the well-known
consequences of flooding in some places, droughts in
others. Those direct threats would in turn endanger
peace throughout the world. We must therefore seek an
agreement at the 2015 climate conference.
The foundations of the commitment are well known.
The agreement must be equitable. Each country must do
its part. The developed countries obviously must make
he greatest effort. Emerging countries must protect their
development, but they must also understand that they
are directly threatened by global warming. The least
developed countries, those that are the most fragile and
vulnerable, must be aided in the transition. That is the
purpose of the fund that was created in Durbin. The
agreement must also be binding; it cannot simply be a
reiteration of principles. It cannot simply be wording in
resolutions that are not translated into concrete actions.
If there is no assessment and there are no sanctions,
there will be no progress and global temperature will
inexorably rise.
My message is simple. In any domain, whether
international security, nuclear proliferation,
development or climate change, the worst threat is
inaction, the worst decision is to take no decision,
and the worst danger is to not see any. And the United
Nations bears the responsibility to act. Each time the
Organization appears powerless, peace is the first
victim. That is why I am proposing that the permanent
members of the Security Council define a code of
conduct such that in cases of mass crimes, they may
collectively decide to renounce the right of veto.
It is also my hope to see the Secretary-General’s
powers of inquiry strengthened to enable the United
Nations to ensure — as it has done in Syria — that
the truth is established in all instances, carry out
investigations and act on the results. The Assembly has
the sovereign right to take such a decision. Our credibility
depends upon our capacity to intervene quickly and
effectively in ensuring respect for international law,
punishing violations and promoting development to
preserve future generations. Our legitimacy flows
from the Charter of the United Nations. We must be
worthy of it. Within that framework, France will always
assume its responsibilities in all domains.