Union of South Africa

I should like to express from this rostrum the sincere thanks of my delegation and my Government to those previous speakers who paid tribute to the memory of Field Marshal Jan Christiaan Smuts. He was a great man and we South Africans are very sensible of the courtesy and kindness of Mr. de Freitas Valle, the head of the Brazilian delegation [279th meeting], and of Sir Carl Berendsen [280th meeting], the head of the delegation of New Zealand. Their remarks are greatly appreciated by my country. 111. It is doubtful whether in the history of the United Nations the representatives of its Members have met at a time more critical for the peace of the world. Despite every effort for peace, the nations of the world are now perilously close to war. The clouds which have gathered in the east are symptomatic of a greater conflict — a conflict which must be resolved if we are not to be engulfed in yet another holocaust. 112. This Organization, in which is represented a world still carrying the scars of yesterday’s aggression, bears a terrifying responsibility — a responsibility which must be faced squarely, and faced squarely particularly by the great Powers who will have to proceed with the utmost caution if the conflict which now appears to loom ahead is not to be precipitated. However, the gravity of the situation is generally recognized and the need for sober and responsible action is fully appreciated. This is therefore a theme on which I need not expand. I will turn rather to the views of my Government on the crisis which has arisen in Korea. 113. The Government of the Union of South Africa deplores and condemns the clearly aggressive acts of the North Korean Government. Whatever arguments may be advanced to justify the invasion of South Korea, the fact remains that an act of international lawlessness has been committed, and committed too in a manner which shows careful premeditation and preparation. One of the purposes of the United Nations is to achieve a community of peace-loving nations determined to outlaw aggression. The invasion of South Korea therefore constitutes a deliberate defiance of the United Nations and is a negation of everything for which this Organization stands. My Government consequently welcomed the unequivocal resolution of the Security Council as well as the prompt action of the United States and other Governments, within the terms of that resolution, to check the aggressive plans of the invader. 114. I would like to say here that the rapidity with which the Security Council acted in the present crisis has been most heartening to my Government, as I know it must have been to many other Members. The manner in which certain Member States responded to the call for help was truly magnificent and the South African Government would wish me to associate the Union of South Africa with those States which have already paid tribute to the President of the United States of America for the courageous and steadfast manner in which he took the lead. To those who have sacrificed their lives to destroy aggression the South African Government pays most sincere and humble tribute. We must ensure that their sacrifice has not been vainly made. 115 In so far as the action taken by my country is concerned, it was difficult for the South African Government to see at the outset in what manner it could render assistance which would be both possible and effective. It soon became clear, however, that positive contributions would have to be made to the United Nations task force by all Member States who desired to align themselves with the opponents of unprovoked aggression, and my Government therefore announced its decision on 4 August to render military aid in the form of a completely equipped fighter squadron and ground staff. This was the only form of assistance which could be made available at such short notice and we trust that it will prove to be effective. I may add that our fighter squadron with its ground staff is already on the way to Korea and should arrive there in the near future. 116. It is necessary that I explain at this stage that while the Union of South Africa found it necessary to give practical effect to the obligations it had accepted under the Charter, my Government has never regarded the Far East as falling within the sphere of its military responsibility in the preservation of world peace. The reasons for this will, of course, be apparent to all those who are conversant with military conditions in and the strategic importance of Africa. In this continent, which forms a gigantic link between the East and West, there are enormous resources, human and material, which are as yet virtually untapped. Tremendous efforts, for the most part unappreciated by those who do not know Africa, are being made to develop this vast land peopled by 150 million human beings — many of them as yet in a primitive state. Without the sustained and inspired efforts of those responsible for African administration, millions will remain so, their development arrested by disease and malnutrition — a fertile soil, therefore, for those who now sow ideological seeds with the object of creating world imperialism. We in Africa have a double duty, a duty to remove the scourge of human want and waste, and a duty to the democratic world in which we live. If Africa is not to be the scene of an ideological conflict in which the ultimate sufferers must be those who live in Africa, the administering Powers must spare no effort to promote the wellbeing of the inhabitants of the continent, to release them from the scourge of disease and malnutrition, and so bring home to these under-privileged the benefits of living in a free and democratic world; a world where all races can develop side by side and where all may advance towards the goal of freedom from want. 117. The Government of the Union of South Africa is very conscious of its responsibilities in this field of human endeavour. Believing that the greatest good can be achieved by technical collaboration between the administering Powers south of the Sahara, the South African Government has ensured that the services of its ablest technical experts are freely available at technological conferences and other forms of consultation called by those administering African territories. That the Union of South Africa is in the fortunate position of having made important advances in the application of science to African problems and that it is ready to assist other African Powers in the solution of these problems, was, I believe, amply demonstrated by the recent African Regional Scientific Conference convened by the Union of South Africa last year in Johannesburg. One of the fruits of this Conference has been the establishment of a Scientific Council for Africa under the chairmanship of a distinguished South African scientist. 118. Another development which my Government welcomed most warmly was the establishment in January 1950 of the Commission for Technical Co-operation in Africa south of the Sahara, a co-ordinating body on the metropolitan level. An immediate result of the formation of this Commission, of which the Union of South Africa is a member, has been the scheduling of a number of important scientific conferences on a variety of subjects of African interest. These include conferences to be held in 1950, 1951 and 1952 to discuss such problems as African labour, African medical education, malaria control, African building and housing, African nutrition, African rural welfare, and the formation of African co-operative societies. In addition, there will be other discussions, for instance, on the co-ordination of the operation and development of transport in central and southern Africa. The great importance of these discussions to the future development of the African continent will, of course, be readily appreciated. 119. I believe that these steps to which I have referred constitute positive action towards the goal of improving the lot of those who at present eke out an existence in the under-developed areas of Africa. It is direct and vigorous action aimed at improving the conditions of life for many millions and it will enable the people of Africa finally to distinguish those who are concerned with their welfare and who seek to promote their best interests from those who seek to exploit them ideologically for primarily selfish ends. 120. In the course of the opening debate last year [226th plenary meeting] we had occasion to observe that we in Africa were the targets of much ill-informed criticism. We pointed out that the solution of African problems was an uphill task even for those who by their experience of actual conditions in Africa could claim to understand African psychology and the real magnitude of the problems involved. I would now urge that those who are so hasty in their criticisms of us in Africa, should clearly realize one thing, namely, that there is no ready panacea for Africa in its present state. The development of its backward peoples must follow an orderly and realistic pattern, and the process of social and economic advancement could be seriously jeopardized by the impact of destructive propaganda on the primitive mind. It is the policy of the South African Government to raise the standard of living of all the peoples of Africa; we are in fact striving to bring real and not illusory benefits. I venture to say that an unbiased glance at the records will reveal that our efforts have been attended with some measure of success, and I submit that an evaluation of the progress made in the development of Africa and its peoples would be both more objective and more helpful if greater credit were given to the path which has already been covered and less emphasis were placed on the road which still lies ahead. We, who bear the responsibility, are aware of the task which lies before us and are making great sacrifices towards its fulfilment. 121. In my opening remarks I referred to the critical state of world affairs. I also referred to the great responsibility which this Organization must face if the world is to be saved from another catastrophe. I think that it will be generally agreed that people in many parts of the world are gradually despairing of any hope that statesmen will ever achieve those international conditions which are essential to the future happiness and prosperity of mankind. Many doubt whether the nations of the world will ever be able to work together in close co-operation without resorting to international strife — whether international contact does not inevitably lead to conflict. These are the fears which this Organization must allay; these are the doubts which we must remove from the public mind. 122. This Organization has already, in many ways, justified its creation. Its record is a good one and it is the conviction of my Government that the blame for the world’s present plight attaches not to defects inherent in the United Nations but rather to factors which are beyond its control. It is true of course that forces and conditions have emerged for which our founders made inadequate provision, forces which are rendering cooperation based on the Charter progressively more difficult. Yet, it is hard to see what more could have been done in 1945 to avoid this unhappy interplay of ideologies which now bedevils us. If we have erred in assuming sincerity and goodwill where none exist, then, at any rate, history will declare that we have erred on the right side. 123. Of course we have had our failures, but there have also been many successes. We cannot hope for the one without the other in a world which as yet appears to perceive but dimly the importance of sincere co-operation and the need for an understanding of each other’s problems. All of us in the General Assembly have declared our belief in the fundamental principles of the Charter, and by the measure of our determination to uphold those principles we will either stand or fall. If we fall now, I do not think that an organization such as ours will rise again in our time. 124. It is essential, therefore, that we in this Organization should proceed with great caution and that we should maintain constant vigilance against forces and tendencies which threaten its future. It is my Government’s desire that I draw attention to one or two such tendencies which are often overlooked when the major weakness of the United Nations — namely, the veto — is discussed and represented as a threat to the future of the Organization. The effects of the veto on the efficacy of the United Nations have been amply demonstrated by previous speakers. There can no longer be any possible doubt that the principle concerned is not a sound one and I feel sure that it will not continue indefinitely to be enshrined in our Charter. 125. I shall turn to other tendencies, less obvious perhaps, but in the long run equally dangerous. 126. Firstly, the Government of South Africa believes that there is a tendency to over-simplify the complex nature of the problem of international relations. These are, after all, human relations, and differences will not disappear merely by the intonation of pious hopes that those who disagree with us will see the light. A fundamental fact which should be recognized at all times is that the world, and this Organization, are not composed of identical peoples. There are differences in outlook and culture which are fundamental and which cannot be altered except, perhaps, by compulsion and conflict. It is not, therefore, always possible to evolve a single universal pattern to govern the many aspects of life — a pattern which can be applied in detail to all countries of the world. These fundamental differences must be recognized wherever we seek to reconcile our interests and whenever it is our desire to establish a common basis for international co-operation. It is the task — the onerous but essential task — of the United Nations to reconcile these different national and racial aspirations. It is not the function of the Organization to mould the peoples of the world according to a common pattern. 127, Let me add that it is one of the most significant facts of our day that the impact of world events on the family of nations is becoming more and more immediate, and that it is no longer possible to live in isolation. Aggressive nationalism and national ambition are no longer compatible with world peace and human progress. It is imperative, therefore, that this Organization should continue to exist and that in it and through it the world should achieve a system of international collaboration and co-operation which will save us from the evils of the past. This is only possible, however, if we approach our mutual problems in a spirit of goodwill and if we adopt an accommodating attitude with regard to each other’s affairs and difficulties. There is no room today for a diplomacy which expresses a policy of national avarice with its concomitant suspicions and insincerity. It is no longer permissible to practise a diplomacy which postulates the growth and greatness of one nation at the expense of another. 128, Then there is a second tendency to which my Government desires me to draw attention. This tendency is a dangerous one in so far as it is threatening to create an atmosphere in the United Nations which will make it impossible for us ever to achieve a peaceful solution of any important dispute. I refer to the practice of resorting to hostile and acrimonious debate even on matters with regard to which there are legitimate and reasonable differences of opinion. It was indeed heartening to hear at the 277th meeting the preceding President of the Assembly, General Romulo, asking speakers the other day to be more restrained in their statements. I hope that his request will have some effect on this unhealthy practice in order that we may achieve that fruitful co-operation which is so essential in this Organization, and in order that we may achieve solidarity, at least, amongst those of us who are genuinely striving for international peace and security. I am sure that other delegations will agree with mine that this unfortunate practice is slowly but surely engendering an atmosphere of confusion and hostility in which co-operation is becoming yearly more difficult and which must inevitably become a serious threat to the future of the United Nations. 129. May I illustrate my point by a brief reference to the more recent discussions in the Security Council? I submit that the attacks made in that body on the integrity of nations and on this Organization have had a most unfortunate effect on the public mind. The blasts of propaganda which emerged from those discussions can only, I fear, have served to confuse and alarm those who are seeking to give this Organization the status and prestige in international affairs which are essential if it is to play the part envisaged for it by its founders. 130. Having regard to the possible impact on public opinion of many of the propagandists statements made in the Security Council in recent months I should like to conclude with one further observation on what is taking place today in Korea. The action of the United Nations in Korea has been persistently and vehemently misrepresented in the Security Council. It would be well, therefore, if those of us who support the United Nations in its operations in Korea made it plain once again that our actions rest entirely on our clear obligations under the Charter. We have undertaken collectively to preserve international peace, to oppose and destroy aggression, and to outlaw international banditry. These are our obligations, obligations in respect of which we can accept no compromise, obligations which called for urgent and collective action. 131. Allow me also to add that we who practise the doctrine of democracy believe in our way of life. We do not seek to impose it upon others but we can never permit it to be destroyed by the aggressive acts of those who seek to enforce upon us their way of life, their ideologies.