the32. Before proceeding with my statement, I would like to associate myself with the many sincere expressions of congratulation which were extended to our President, Mr. Maza, by the members of the General Assembly on his being elected unanimously to the high office of President. I am confident that he will discharge his duties in a most able and impartial manner.
33. My thoughts at this moment are also with the President of our host country, the United States of America, whose present illness is a matter of grave concern not only to the people of this country but also to the world at large. My Government and people whole-heartedly endorse the expressions of concern and best wishes for a speedy recovery which the President of the General Assembly has sent to President Eisenhower on behalf of the United Nations.
34. If I have the honour today to address my fellow representatives in this great Organization, the United Nations, I do so with warm feelings of esteem and remembrance. It was on this very day, five years ago, on 28 September 1950, that my country, the new-born Republic of Indonesia, was admitted by acclamation as the sixtieth Member of this eminent community of nations for peace [289th meeting]. The sincere words of welcome and understanding extended to my country and people on that auspicious occasion have always been for us a source of deep gratitude and strength. The fight for independence and freedom, the struggle to regain and to re-establish the national sovereignty of bur people was indeed consonant with the highest principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations, principles which our national movement for independence has always cherished. The recognition of the right of my peopled struggle, as shown by the timely intervention of the United Nations in our cause, and Indonesia’s subsequent admission to this august body, transformed the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter into a reality in my country.
35. The entry of Indonesia into the United Nations came, however, at a time when the world was already beset by serious international disturbances. The high hopes and expectations for peace and security, for more justice and understanding among nations, raised by the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, were again obscured by threatening clouds of international tensions and conflicts. The war in Korea had broken out. The “cold war” was moving in an alarming and unpredictable direction. Fears had superseded the hopes.
36. It was in this difficult and controversial climate that the young Republic of Indonesia began its life in the international community, seeking therein to find its proper and useful place in the service of humanity and peace. The policy we chose to pursue was inevitably one of scrupulously avoiding entanglement in the grave controversies, which might be detrimental to my country’s young and delicate life. On the other hand, we realized full -well that, as a Member of the United Nations, we had duties and responsibilities to the world at large, the fulfilment of which is a sacred mission for all of us.
37. It is with some satisfaction, therefore, that I can say that the Republic of Indonesia, racing all the difficulties and obstacles inherent in the pursuit of a new life, has been able, through its active independent policy, successfully to make its way in our exigent times. The j Indonesian Government will now continue this independent policy positively and, indeed, in the most reasonable and practicable way, guided by the real needs of our peoples for peace and welfare and international co-operation.
38. Tomorrow, 29 September, my country will carry out its first general election, accomplishing further its task for democracy. The absence so far of a general election cannot, of course, be construed to mean that there has been no democracy in Indonesia and in its governmental system. Democracy is an old institution in the life of our people, expressing itself for centuries in the administration of Indonesian villages and in the democratic election of village heads.
39. Following the establishment of the Republic of Indonesia, it has always been the constant endeavour of the Government and people of my country not only to practise and strengthen further our democratic ideals, but naturally, also, to promote by these democratic means the welfare and well-being of our people. Education has been greatly improved, and a vigorous, nationwide programme has been undertaken to combat illiteracy. Indeed, in Indonesia, democracy means a way to improve the well-being of our people, to be practised in the fields of social and economic endeavours as well as in the political field of government and administration.
40. The general elections to be held tomorrow, never held before in the history of our people, mark, therefore, the further determination of the new. Indonesia to strengthen and consolidate the democratic practices of our people.
41. On the international plane, too, we have not only adhered to the principles and purposes of the Charter, but also, in co-operation with all other nations, rendered a contribution, however small, to upholding those high purposes which guide our efforts for a better world, for forging a world in which mankind can live in peace and harmony, mutually co-operating for the common good.
42. The constant and consistent efforts of all of us, pursued with patience and determination, have certainly not gone unrewarded. How dark the world looked only five years ago. Today Korea, though still divided, is no longer the scene of war and carnage. The Indochina war, though not directly through the efforts of our Organization, has been brought to an end in a manner consistent with the spirit of peaceful co-operation and negotiation enshrined in our Charter.
43. Improvements in the international climate were perhaps most apparent in Asia, but they certainly affected the whole world. Further sincere efforts towards the relaxation of tensions were imperative if the relative and delicate peace which the world had achieved was to be preserved and promoted. Realizing the special responsibilities falling upon them, the Prime Ministers of Burma, Ceylon, India, Pakistan and Indonesia met in Colombo in the spring of 1954, concurrently with the Geneva Conference on Indochina. They exchanged views and discussed problems of common concern to them in the interest of international peace. The Colombo conferees emphasized the contributions which the Asian countries could make in preserving the peace, stressing among other things the urgent need for bettering relations among all nations. They encouraged, above all, the new spirit of seeking by peaceful and conciliatory means to resolve outstanding international issues.
44. It was the Colombo Conference which gave birth to the idea of convening an Asian-African conference, so as to pool and to rally the goodwill and understanding of all the hundreds of millions of peoples of Asia and Africa. — indeed, of the vast majority of mankind — in the service of and for the benefit of this fresh avenue to peace.
45. The Colombo Powers next met in Bogor, Indonesia, in December 1954, to determine and finalize their plans for the. proposed Asian-African conference. Indonesia was accorded the honour of being host to this historic conference. And in April 1955, the Asian-African Conference was held in Bandung.
46. Twenty-nine countries of Asia and Africa, representing about 1,400 million people of this earth (approximately 600 million more people than are represented in this General Assembly) sent their top representatives to this great meeting — a meeting unprecedented in the history of our peoples, if not in the history of the world. We realized the heavy responsibilities we had assumed in the face of the tremendous burdens weighing upon mankind in this troubled and divided world. It was a great undertaking. It marked also the fundamental, and significant changes — social and political — which have taken place in the community of nations today. As President Sukarno, President of the Republic of Indonesia, stirringly told the opening session of the Asian-African Conference: “Asia and Africa have been reborn; nay, a new Asia and a new Africa have been born!”
47. It is not for us alone to evaluate the importance of the Bandung Conference. It was, true, only a beginning, a modest effort to inject a new spirit in the world, a fresh approach which we felt would be of the greatest benefit to mankind and to peace. And indeed, not only were the deliberations conducted in a spirit of brotherhood and mutual understanding, but the results of the Conference, as embodied in the final communiqué of Bandung, show that in our own way we can render a significant contribution to the efforts of mankind for peace.
48. It is also gratifying that the Bandung Conference gave such strong support to the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter, which all the assembled representatives — of Members as well as of non-members of the United Nations — acknowledged and upheld as the proper international guide for securing genuine peace and the well-being of all mankind.
49. But again, it must be recalled that this dawn of a new spirit in international relations is still in its initial stage. Deep and fundamental controversies among nations continue to exist. Conflicting interests — even in the same name of peace — still divide many of us. Ideological differences continue to thwart the implementation of the precept of “live and let live”. But the dynamics of man’s mind opens also the opportunity for the birth of new ideas, new approaches, new ways of thinking. The world does not stand still. The avenues to peace have never been closed. It is only for us to find them or to rediscover them, or even to invent new, inspiring, ones. This is the challenge to man in every age of history.
50. The tenth anniversary commemorative meeting in San Francisco in June 1955 recognized this challenge which lies before us. Everyone in fact agreed that the prospects for a real and lasting peace, in the past ten years, had never been more encouraging than they were then. The significance of the Bandung Conference in this respect also, happily, did not go unnoticed. It was really heartening to hear at San Francisco the unanimous reaffirmation, to work further towards the realization of the high purposes and ideals of our Organization.
51. It was in the wake of all this that the Geneva Conference took place in July 1955. The great significance for the world of this meeting between the Heads of Government of the four big Powers is of course beyond any doubt. It has not only strengthened the hopes for peace which have been rekindled in the past year, but it may well be decisive for ushering in the long awaited era of universal peace and security. It may lead to the end of the “cold war” which has plagued and troubled the world for much too long. True, the Geneva^ Conference did not resolve any of the basic controversial problems, but it undoubtedly laid down the best means for seeking peaceful settlements of all controversial issues, that is, in a climate of peace, of conciliation and of goodwill.
52. This, I believe, is the most valuable and felicitous result of the Geneva Conference. And, in common with every representative here, I wish to pay a tribute to all those who have made this possible. In the first place, our gratitude goes to the great leaders who participated in the Conference. But it is with no less feeling of thanksgiving that we remember all the men and women throughout the world who consistently^ have preached the necessity of goodwill and conciliation in the relations among nations as the only way to secure universal peace and co-operation in this complex and many-sided world.
53. Politics and power have always been inseparable in the conduct of world affairs. War and peace have always been determined by these factors. There seemed to be no other alternatives in international political life. Power was bound to express itself by military force. Armaments and armament races were inevitable, leading ultimately only to wars. Not only war, but peace too was determined by this way of thinking. One spoke of peace as merely the absence of war. And comfortably hand in hand with peace went the piling up of armaments by the opposing sides for the supposed prevention of attacks by one against the other.
54. The development of nuclear weapons to the most alarming proportions has, however — I would almost say luckily — radically changed this state of affairs. If in the pre-atomic period war might have been calculated to gain something worth while, this idea bias now gradually become an absurdity. If there is something good which the invention of these terrible nuclear and thermonuclear weapons has given to mankind, then it is this: the realization that today war will not pay, that war, which inevitably will be a thermonuclear war, will not gain anything for anyone.
55. That is why, more than ever before, the need for disarmament is so deeply felt by everyone, and indeed - — and perhaps ironically — by those who themselves possess these deadly weapons of destruction. Man is now afraid of his own creation. But if the discarding of war as a means to an end, along with the wide-spread realization of the deeply-felt need for disarmament, marks a fundamental and radical change in man’s way of thinking, then I must say that the invention of these terrible weapons of mass destruction is not so much a tragedy, but may turn out to be a blessing for mankind.
56. It is now being recognized more and more that disarmament — or at least the substantial reduction of armaments — is an inescapable “must” if mankind is to survive. The “renunciation of force” has become a popular adage for meeting the present exigency. But this does not, of course, affect the fundamental problem. In this case, again, I am afraid that the thinking is solely on military lines. If force is to be renounced as a means of national policy, then it should certainly not be merely military force, but also economic, and indeed political, force. Do we condemn military force as an instrument of national policy only as a matter of expediency in the particular relations between powerful nations, or do we do so as a matter of principle? Force is apt to lead to oppression and war. But this is certainly true not only of military force, but also of the use of economic or political force by powerful nations. The history of colonialism bears witness to this truth.
57. Indeed, the only force that we can sanction is moral force, the force of goodwill in achieving genuine peace and prosperity for all nations and peoples. That is today’s fundamental issue. And I think that it should be the duty of every one of us to make the United Nations, with its lofty Charter, the united moral force so desperately needed in the world today. It is in this light, in this frame of mind, that we should view the problems before the United Nations.
58. Besides the question of disarmament, in connexion with which the deep-felt need for an urgent solution is in itself a matter for rejoicing, there are many important problems before the Organization.
59. The threatening aspect of atomic power makes it imperative that that power should be used exclusively for peaceful purposes, for the good of mankind. We therefore hailed the convening and the successful proceedings of the International Conference on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy, which was held in Geneva in August 1955. My country’s delegation certainly gained a great deal from participating in that Conference. This international undertaking was a landmark of untold promise for a new era of scientific, social and economic activity and welfare, unprecedented in the annals of mankind. To make this promise a reality, however, our present and our future leaders must display the highest sense of social responsibility and humanitarianism. It imposes upon us the duty to see to it that this great international enterprise is not drowned in the whirlpool of politics. We must be vigilant so as to ensure that this energy, capable of bringing to mankind incalculable opportunities, does not create a new world of “have” and “have not”, generating tensions so dangerous to peaceful relations among nations.
60. The problems of colonialism are, of course, of particular interest to us and to the peoples of Asia and Africa generally. The Asian-African Member States, strengthened by the Bandung resolutions, have again this year brought before this Organization colonial problems such as the questions of Morocco and West Irian, and have for the first time brought before the Organization the question of Algeria.
61. Naturally, we hope that the General Assembly will decide to include the question of Algeria in its agenda. Such positive action is undoubtedly warranted by the present situation in Algeria. Certainly one cannot regard with equanimity the growing toll of lives lost every single day in Algeria. In the past year alone, the unremitting struggle there has accounted for well over 3,000 lives. How many more must be sacrificed, how many more must languish in prison, before something constructive is done to restore peace and freedom? Nor can one calmly stand by and watch while the basic human rights guaranteed in our Charter to all peoples are relentlessly crushed and repressed in Algeria? It is surely for the United Nations, as the “centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of” the development of “friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples”, to take proper cognizance of the aspirations of the entire Algerian population for an Algerian nation. This Assembly must, in our view, do its utmost to bring about an end to the current wave of bloodshed and repression in Algeria and to restore justice, peace and freedom there.
62. My delegation wishes to take this opportunity once again to urge the Government of France to consider the question of Algeria with justice, reasonableness and understanding, in order to promote a peaceful settlement through negotiations — in the interests of both France and Algeria and of the peace and stability of that entire region of the world.
63. In Morocco, recent developments have fortunately moved in the direction of a peaceful settlement. But the approaches have come only after much violence, and, even now, there is painful hesitancy and faltering in the steps towards final implementation. In fact, the situation remains explosive. Violence continues to erupt in Morocco, and the prospects for a negotiated settlement are unhappily fading. There is, in short, no reason for complacency or “do-nothingness”. On the contrary, we must do everything to encourage and assist the parties concerned in finding the long-sought peaceful solution to the question of Morocco — a solution which all of us hope will not be long in coming. This is, indeed, the proper time for the United Nations to reaffirm, in the strongest possible terms, its abiding interest in the attainment of a Satisfactory solution in Morocco, a solution arrived at by means of negotiations between France and the true representatives of the Moroccan people. Morocco presents a challenge, which this Assembly must meet with courage and foresight.
64. My delegation hopes that the present session of the General Assembly will be capable of recommending the right ways and means for the peaceful solution of these colonial problems. But if it does not, the Assembly will appreciate that we shall not cease to present them to it again and again, until freedom and justice have been secured for the peoples concerned. The only force we seek in the solution of these problems is the only force tolerable in our pursuit of peace: moral force. And I venture to believe that, although this Assembly — or, rather, some of the Powers concerned — may feel disturbed by our actions, the United Nations congratulates itself on the fact that we have sought that moral force in and within this Organization, guided by the noble principles and aims of the Charter.
65. I have a few specific words to say on the question of West Irian and on our present relations with the Netherlands. We are happy that we can now view this question, also, within the general trend of the relaxation of tension in the world today. It was on the basis of such a consideration that the Asian-African Conference in Bandung adopted the resolution which not only supported Indonesia’s position in this matter, but also recommended seriously to the Netherlands Government that it should find ways and .means of reopening negotiations for a solution of this outstanding dispute, which has impaired good relations between the two countries concerned. Moreover, the Bandung Conference resolution appealed most earnestly to the United Nations to assist the parties concerned in finding a peaceful settlement of the dispute.
66. It has been of great satisfaction to us that the Asian-African States Members of this Organization have, in the same spirit, furthered the Bandung Conference resolution by presenting the question of West Irian to this General Assembly once again. It is the Indonesian Government’s earnest hope that the General Assembly will respond by including this question in its agenda, in a spirit conducive to the desired negotiated settlement of this serious dispute between Indonesia and the Netherlands. Indonesia’s position on the question of West Irian is, I presume, already known to everyone here, and I therefore do not think that I need to restate it. The Indonesian people is, of course, determined to seek a satisfactory solution to this problem.
67. I am glad to note that, in recent weeks, the Indonesian and Netherlands Governments have been able to create an atmosphere which may lead to better understanding between them on this problem, within the framework of improving mutual relations and settling other outstanding problems still pending between our two countries. The Indonesian delegation is well aware of the difficult phase in which our two Governments find themselves at this moment. For our part, I can assure this Assembly that our course of policy on the question of West Irian will be conducted in such a manner as not to impair the improved atmosphere in the relationship between Indonesia and the Netherlands.
68. It is the conviction of my Government — I repeat: it is the conviction of the present Government of Indonesia — that the placing of this item on the agenda of the General Assembly, in a dispassionate and calm manner, will certainly improve the chances of finding practical arrangements towards the solution of the problem of West Irian in a peaceful and friendly way.
69. The encouraging political atmosphere in which we find ourselves at this moment may also be of benefit in regard to finding further solutions to the economic issues before this session of the Assembly. As peace is indivisible, so is the economic welfare of the nations of the world. It is difficult, I know, to “internationalize” national policies in the economic sphere, but the gradual breaking down of national barriers is at least a step in the right direction.
70. Economic tensions are unquestionably as disastrous to peace as are political tensions. With the improvement in the political climate, ways and means could also be found to relax tensions due to economic causes. Therefore other problems, such as the stabilization of prices, the flow of capital to under-developed countries, technical assistance and the creation of food reserves are certainly of tremendous importance and deserve the earnest attention of this Assembly. The flow of capital into countries industrially less developed is an essential requirement for their economic reconstruction. Its necessity found clear expression, among other things, in Bandung this year, where 29 countries from Asia and Africa passed a resolution to recommend to the. United Nations the founding of the Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development and the International Finance Corporation.
71. It is in the light of this necessity that we strongly hope that the United Nations will come to the setting up of such bodies as SUNFED and IFC. For it is institutions such as these that will make a fruitful contribution to the economic welfare of the world population and to the improvement of peaceful conditions among nations at the same time. It is the hope of my Government that these problems will be dealt with on the basis of a sincere desire to spread economic welfare and stability to all areas and peoples of the world, in the interest of co-operative peace.
72. Despite the general relaxation of international tensions, some problems are stubborn ones, due to the deep-rooted ideological conflicts involved. For the solution of these problems, we must combine patience with determination. But they demand speedy solution.
73. One of these problems is the question of the admission of new Members. The attitude of the Indonesian Government on this matter is known to all of you. We consistently support the application of the principle of universality so that the United Nations may become, in reality, a universal, all-embracing world organization. Every nation, we believe, should be given the opportunity actively to work and live in the framework of the ideals of the United Nations. Not only should our Organization be a “centre for harmonizing the actions of nations”, but its ultimate aim should be to invite every nation to contribute to, and be moulded by, its moral world force.
74. In the region of Asia and Africa, we have a special responsibility with regard to the sincere aspirations of our Asian-African friends — Ceylon, Nepal, Cambodia, Laos, a united Viet-Nam, Japan, Jordan and Libya, all non-members of the United Nations — to gain admission as soon as possible to the community of nations. It will be our constant endeavour to help them achieve this end. We are, of course, no less concerned with all the other applicant States, whose admission will certainly promote the development of close understanding and co-operation among all peoples.
75. In this respect, too, the better relations between the great Powers which are permanent members of the Security Council, should help to bring about the admission of all those States. It is our earnest hope that, this vital problem of the admission of new Members will continuously occupy the attention of the big Powers in all their present and future deliberations.
76. The idea of promoting a greater exchange of visits and ideas in the interest of furthering international understanding is, in our view, a very commendable one. The world has already shrunk so much. Direct personal acquaintance with men and ideas and conditions of the differing regions of the world can only serve to enrich mankind. Artificial barriers — or curtains, as they are called today — have no place in this undertaking. We have heard in this Assembly encouraging voices in recognition of this fact. Let us, indeed, nourish this endeavour towards wider contacts and closer understanding for the benefit of all peoples.
77. It is in this light, too, that we should view the representation of the People’s Republic of China, which we earnestly hope will be seated in the United Nations as soon as possible.
78. I heard with interest the suggestion made by the representative of Ecuador a few days ago [519th meeting] that the next session of the General Assembly should be held in Moscow. This, I am sure, would be of considerable benefit to our endeavours to know and to understand one another better. The proposal made by the representative of Ecuador can, in fact, be carried somewhat further. I would suggest that the exchange of ideas between peoples would be greatly enhanced if it were possible for the General Assembly to meet every five years in a different country. Undoubtedly, this would serve to bring the United Nations and its ideals, in a direct and practical manner, closer to the peoples all over the world. Some day in the future, I hope, the city of Bandung, in Indonesia, will be in a position to enjoy the honour of acting as host to this great Organization for peace. At this time, I would like also to suggest that leaders of the Secretariat take time out to visit the countries of Asia and Africa, in order to forge closer contacts between themselves and the peoples of that part of the world.
79. With respect to encouraging the interchange of ideas among peoples, I am thinking particularly of the new relationship between Asia and the West and the need it presents for closer mutual understanding and acquaintance. Most of the leaders of Asia have had personal contact with the ideas of the West. They have travelled in Western countries, and some have spent considerable years there. But it would be a fortunate fact if more leaders of the West would grasp the opportunity to visit the countries of Asia, to meet the peoples of Asia and personally to acquaint themselves with the ideas which are the driving force of the teeming millions of Asian peoples today. Their visits to our countries would be most welcome, and I am certain that they would be of mutual advantage to Asia and the West.
80. Most areas of the world are, indeed, still spiritually separated from each other. Ignorance and misunderstanding are still very much prevalent between different regions of the world. We certainly admit that there is still insufficient knowledge of each other between the countries of Asia and those of Latin America. We have the fortunate opportunity of meeting here every year the delegates of the Latin American countries, representing a rich and fascinating continent. Yet real and direct contacts between the peoples of the Asian and Latin American continents are, I believe, negligible, although the need for them is, I am sure, mutually recognized. We therefore look forward to opportunities for closer relations between our peoples and leaders, since we share many common interests and, in the light of our struggle for freedom and justice, a common heritage. Such dose contacts and co-operation can therefore only be of mutual benefit in building a real United Nations world.
81. The tenth session of the General Assembly meets, indeed, at a time of great hope and expectation. The Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Dulles, in his speech from this rostrum a few days ago [518th meeting], suggested to us to look forward to an era of peaceful change. A similar expression of hope was, I believe, voiced by the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union, Mr. Molotov [520th meeting]. It is, of course, the duty of all of us gathered here for deliberations and actions to do our share in bringing about this peaceful change, necessary for the creation of a better and more secure world.
82. The emphasis should be not only on the word “peaceful”, but certainly equally on the word “change”. It is not only a matter of spirit, but also a matter of the conditions in the world today. There are many changes for the better needed in the present world structure or conditions. I am naturally thinking of the relationship between the colonial Powers and their dependent territories. Radical changes are sometimes needed to secure peace and friendship. The relations between the large and small nations may need certain changes, too, in order to make their relationship more j democratic, not only legally but also spiritually.
83. This tenth session of the General Assembly faces a great and inspiring task. We are on the threshold of a new and fascinating era. Let us start this second decade of the United Nations with the determination, the goodwill and the co-operation which is demanded of us by this crucial time in history. It is a great privilege for the Indonesian delegation to participate in and contribute to that tremendous enterprise. The Indonesian people wish you all well in your coming deliberations and actions.