1. May I be allowed to come to this rostrum to present my respectful compliments to my friend, the President of the General Assembly, a distinguished statesman of Chile, a country which I have just left and for which I have the greatest admiration.
2. Brazil has always addressed the General Assembly of the United Nations with faith and frankness. Once again we are together in this hall, this time at a moment when new horizons seem to be dawning before our eyes, and the whole of mankind longs to be freed from the sombre threat that haunts its path. The anniversary celebrations of San Francisco, where disagreements lost their edge, were followed by the four-Power conference “at the summit’’ in. Geneva, where the virtues of frankness were stressed. Now, as a result of that most welcome meeting, the Secretary of State of the United States of America and the Foreign Ministers of France, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union will shortly join their efforts to face with courage and determination the problems that still keep them apart. Peace cannot be brought about à coups de miracles, as Mr. Spaak has said with his usual insight. If, however, the answers to the problems to be examined in Geneva should not suffice to bring to light the miracle of peace, they will at least restore the confidence of the world in the days to come.
3. It is a fact that the old-timers of the United Nations can never forget that many difficulties have been successfully solved within the framework of the Organization. It is enough to recall the outstanding record of the Security Council in London, where within one single month many issues of major importance were settled. It is enough to bear in mind the critical situations dealt with by the General Assembly with firmness and wisdom, particularly in the years 1947, 1949, 1950 and 1951. And I am mentioning but a few examples. Hence it would not be out of place to deplore the fact that it should have befallen our Organization to be somewhat by-passed in the last few years. Nevertheless, we welcome what has been successfully accomplished outside these halls, and we crave for more.
4. The Conference on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy, convened as a consequence of the momentous initiative taken before the General Assembly by the President of the United States of America [470th meeting], provides the most recent evidence of the merits of making ample use of our Organization. That Conference made abundantly clear not only the benefits that mankind will derive from atomic power but also the apocalyptic threat that hangs over humanity if the force of the atom be diverted towards destruction. We saw scientists from 70 countries — some of them closely connected with the forging of atomic weapons — working hand in hand, exchanging relevant information freely and openly on the benefits that may come to the world from this epoch-making discovery. This is highly comforting and has a touch of chivalry seldom seen in the international relations of our time.
5. But ten years ago, the fervent hopes of men and women — emerging from the horrors of the war — were focused on the United Nations. May Almighty God permit that this Organization of ours be enabled to pursue unhampered its endeavour towards securing a just and lasting peace.
6. I am inclined to believe that the world will never regain its balance unless the security of Europe is assured. This inevitably leads us to the problem of the unification of Germany. It is not merely a question of giving to the German people — whose qualities we all acknowledge — what is their due. We must also give Germany its full share of responsibility in the maintenance of peace. The continuance of the present division of Germany cannot but be detrimental to the much desired political and economic stabilization of Europe. This unhappy state of affairs is also bound to keep alive a dangerous potential source of unrest. We trust that the unification of that nation, coupled with a comprehensive world disarmament programme embracing the great Powers, would only discourage any aggressive spirit that still may linger in Germany.
7. Now that the tension in international affairs is on the wane, we can more clearly discern controversies that beset relations between peoples and nations alike. I refer to the so-called colonial question. Almost all the American nations achieved their independence through insurrection, and to this day they derive pride and strength from their valiant struggles and feats of arms. It is only natural, therefore, that their sympathies flow to those who are demanding independence. This sentiment, however, springs from the heart and should not overcast the mind. May I recall, gentlemen, the words of Napoleon: “Le coeur d’un homme d’Etat doit être dans sa tête”.
8. Thus it would appear that the role of the United Nations is to avoid premature actions which, once adopted, may one day be sorrowfully regretted. Red independence is the fruit of the natural growth of political institutions, founded on a sound economic and social structure. Let the people mature arid their institutions develop fully. Then independence will be a blessing; otherwise it will be just a dangerous illusion.
9. The political maturity of the countries represented at the Bandung Conference was emphasized by the very fact that, while firmly stating their position on many controversial issues, they took into account the realities of the international situation and the problems that the necessity to coexist creates for every nation.
10. In the Far East, we are gratified to note that the efforts of the Secretary-General towards the liberation of the United Nations airmen so arbitrarily detained by the Government of Peiping have met with success. To Mr. Hammarskjold goes our gratitude. The United Nations is fortunate indeed to have as its principal official a statesman whose great ability is matched only by his modesty.
11. I know of no other problem so vital for the United Nations as that of the admission of new Members. The deadlock, that might have been broken long ago, deprives the Organization of that universality winch should be one of its characteristics if Article 4 of the Charter is to be properly observed. If the new spirit of understanding and mutual concessions could be made to prevail among all the members of the Security Council, I trust that many States would be recommended to the General Assembly for admission to the United Nations.
12. The delegation of Brazil suggested in San Francisco in 1945 that the United Nations Charter might be reviewed automatically every five years and that no veto should apply. Although not adopted at the time, our proposal was to a certain extent met by Article 109, which directed the General Assembly to consider, ten years thereafter, whether it was advisable or not to hold a conference for the purpose of reviewing the Charter. It would appear, however, that the international scene today did not warrant much hope that enough support would be forthcoming for the text that might result from such revision to ensure its approval. This applies not only to its adoption in terms of votes, but also to the more protracted process of ratification. This being the case, while acknowledging the desirability of reviewing the Charter, it would be wiser, in the opinion of the Brazilian delegation, to take now a decision in favour of holding that conference, referring to the next session of the Assembly the task of setting a definite date for it. To our mind this would render it possible for Member States, then guided by a stronger spirit of harmony, profitably to review those provisions of the Charter which, in the light of experience, have proved unsatisfactory.
13. In the field of human rights, Brazil had not the opportunity to participate more actively in the drafting of the proposed covenants, as it was not represented in the bodies which undertook this task. My Government would, however, like to point out that any transformation of such covenants into radical and whimsically idealistic, declarations ought to be avoided. It is only too clear that the very States which have traditionally upheld those same fundamental rights will be prevented from subscribing to declarations of this kind.
14. Before closing my remarks, may I be, allowed to draw the attention of the General Assembly to the need for a greater effort to correct the tremendous disparity in economic levels amongst the various regions of the world. This is, as a matter of fact, one of the essential purposes of our Organization. We cannot ask, of course, that all countries be equally wealthy. But countries like my own, whose main source of income stems from the production of basic commodities, are affected not only by fluctuations of supply and demand, but also by the rising production of similar goods in colonial territories, the output whereof has been increasing partially by virtue of financial aid granted for the benefit of the colonial Powers themselves. As a matter of course, the standards of living in colonial territories determine a cost of production which brings the price of commodities to a level so low as to impair the competitive ability of traditional producers. It is urgent that through technical assistance and appropriate financial machinery we strive for the elimination of the economic and social grievances that affect the harmonious relations between peoples.
15. Before I leave this rostrum, I beg to inform the General Assembly that the Government of Brazil has decided to receive those prisoners of the Korean war still in the custody of the Indian authorities, subject to the fulfilment of minimum immigration requirements and their willingness to live among our people.