47. In tendering my sincere congratulations to Mr. Maza on his election as President of the General Assembly may I express the hope that the unanimity with which he was elected will be maintained throughout our future work.
48. There seems to be general agreement that the atmosphere in which we meet this year is the most favourable we have known in the ten years of the life of the United Nations. As we survey the international scene from our exceptional vantage point in the General Assembly, we are bound to feel heartened. The tendency towards an improvement in international relations, already vaguely discernible at our last session, has clearly become more pronounced.
49. Some highly important facts prove this beyond dispute. The settlement of the Austrian question has eliminated at least one of the sources of tension in the post-war years. The Bandung Conference was a clear proof that States with different outlooks can actively co-operate; it confirmed also the growing role played in world affairs by two young continents. The Conference of the Heads of Government of the four great Powers at Geneva reflected the change in atmosphere and provided a fresh impulse; for the first time since the beginning of the cold war, the leaders of the States most directly affected by the tension met and held discussions in a spirit of understanding and mutual goodwill. The Conference on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy marked an unprecedented venture in international cooperation. And one of the most significant factors, perhaps, has been the general lessening of suspicion in international relations and the increased willingness to approach issues in a frank and conciliatory spirit.
50. There are many unmistakable signs that the atmosphere has undergone a great change. The cold war has lost much of its intensity, and international relations are beginning to assume a new aspect. All these features, of course, are extremely encouraging and of the utmost importance. They are not, however, sufficient in themselves. A change of atmosphere cannot be regarded as an end in itself. World affairs have taken a turn for the better; we must ensure that this improvement is maintained.
51. In other words, a bridge-head has been established from which an attack can be launched, with reasonable chances of success, on the principal problems which have kept the world divided. The time would seem to have come, therefore, to set about this task. Any progress achieved will result in a further improvement in the international atmosphere, which, in its turn, will make possible a renewed advance towards a settlement of outstanding problems. In order to succeed, I feel that we need, above all, a new approach; we must be more consistent and more resolute in attacking international problems by exploring the possibilities opened up through the change in atmosphere.
52. This new approach to problems could be termed political, as distinct from military or ideological. The cold war, with its increasingly ideological arguments and with strategic considerations gaining in importance as the tension increased, tended to give an essentially strategic and military character to problems of a political or economic origin. That, of course, made it infinitely more difficult to solve those problems, because, instead of being considered in their true perspective, they were assessed in the light of strategic implications and ideological prejudices.
53. In those circumstances, any thought of reasonable concessions for the sake of agreement was tantamount to surrendering a strategic position to an adversary whose final aims and general attitude supposedly precluded any compromise.
54. The new spirit in which international problems should now be approached consists, if I may use the expression, in "demilitarizing” them and stripping them of all ideological considerations, in order to reduce them to their essential political and economic terms. It should, in fact, be a search for a peaceful, that is, a political, solution of such problems. The method of negotiation and co-operation must be Used: negotiation in order to remove the more immediate causes of tension, and cooperation to eliminate those that lie deeper and to strengthen, through perseverance, the foundations of world peace.
55. This argument would seem to be confirmed by a growing tendency, when the policy to be pursued is defined, to abandon the concept of negotiation from strength in favour of negotiation on a footing of equality. This, in itself, could create conditions in which equality no longer depends on power.
56. As to the respective value and advantages of the various concepts of the world’s future and of different social systems, it seems clear that discussions about them can take place and lead on to another stage only if a spirit of free and peaceful rivalry prevails.
57. To attain these results, such co-operation must necessarily be based on certain simple and more or less generally accepted principles, enunciated in the United Nations Charter and recently reaffirmed in a number of international instruments, to several of which my country is also a party. These principles, such as mutual respect for independence and sovereignty, equal rights, non-intervention in the internal affairs of other countries, the duty of refraining from any aggressive practice, and so forth, are known to us all and I need not dwell on them here. They are, in fact, merely the elementary requirements of international life in our time. We firmly believe that adherence to these principles will finally transform the present pattern of international relations and gradually pave the way for more universal forms of international co-operation. Obviously, however, the attitudes and methods developed during the period of tension cannot be eliminated at short, notice. Such a result can be obtained only through protracted and patient effort.
58. With the world as it is, no other policy can legitimately be regarded as realistic. The reason for this is simple: this policy seems to be the only one which takes into account both the diversity and the growing unity and interdependence of the present-day world. The trend towards unity, which is an objective process resulting primarily from scientific developments and the spectacular growth of economic forces, is constantly overcoming and eliminating the artificial obstacles which it encounters.
59. The diversity in historical and cultural background, in social structure, or in political and economic systems, is also a fundamental characteristic of present-day international life, an inevitable feature of the present stage of historical development and not, as some are still inclined to believe, merely a regrettable phenomenon. Consequently, our policy can be realistic only if it takes this fact into account and seeks to harmonize these differences within the general trend towards growing world unity.
60. In other words, States with different systems and divergent concepts must live side by side, remembering that, in this interdependent world, coexistence inevitably demands co-operation. This becomes even more obvious if we look for a moment at the other solution: the settlement of differences otherwise than by peaceful means. It is now platitudinous to say that, in the atomic age in which we live, war, the ultimate outcome of this other policy, would not only fail to solve any of our problems but would bring about general destruction.
61. It is encouraging to note that the principle of coexistence, viewed until quite recently with pessimism and in some circles even with distrust, has now gained a large measure of support, which is beginning to assume an increasingly active character.
62. Our duty, therefore, is to take advantage of the opportunity offered by the changed international climate in order to advance, beyond this improvement, to an enduring peace.
63. In this process, the United Nations clearly has a vital part to play. An organization based on the principles of international co-operation simultaneously acquires a wider scope and assumes heavier responsibilities when the application of those principles becomes both a practical possibility and an urgent necessity. As the Secretary-General so aptly states in his report: “If there is now to be serious and sustained exploration of the possibilities for co-operation on a wider I basis, the role of world organization must necessarily gain a new dimension” [A/2911, p. XI].
64. Nor should we overlook the substantial contribution made by the United Nations, both by its mere presence on the disturbed international scene and by its efforts — frequently thwarted though they were — to bring about the more favourable conditions in which it is now called upon to act. It is, indeed, largely due to this Organization that the world has been spared from being irrevocably rent asunder, at a time when a split seemed most imminent, and that the other dangers which directly imperilled the peace were gradually overcome. The United Nations has helped in bringing about the conditions which make coexistence possible.
65. When we speak of the role that the United Nations has played in international affairs, and even more when we try to envisage the part which it will be called upon to play in the future, we must, in my opinion, remember the increasing contribution of the smaller nations, the under-developed countries and States which have only recently attained political independence. These nations have become independent and retain a supreme interest in peace, for they must have peace to make up for the delay to which, through no fault of theirs, they have been condemned. That is a fact that will continue to exercise a growing influence on the development of international life.
66. These nations, which are today endeavouring to play, in complete independence, their full part on the international stage — a part which should be given the recognition it deserves — simply do not fit into any of the old and rigid patterns, and for that reason are all the better adapted to membership in a universal body like the United Nations. They are, moreover, directly interested in respect for the democratic principles set forth in the Charter, disregard of which would make their participation in international life infinitely more difficult. Their strength is of a moral and political nature rather than military or even economic, and thus they naturally tend to act as a moral and political factor, which is perfectly in keeping with the fundamental concepts of the Charter.
67. Against this general background, the importance of this session stands out clearly. The Assembly should, first and foremost, try to improve still further what has been called the “Geneva spirit”; it can best do that by giving a practical demonstration of what should be — of what, indeed, has begun to be — the new method of dealing with international problems. This method should enable the Assembly, at this session, to make some progress towards the solution of the various problems which are before it, and some of which have been exercising it for many years. If the Assembly succeeds in this, it will have contributed markedly to the improvement of the international situation and it will thus have given proof of the greater part -being played by the United Nations in the present, more favourable conditions.
68. While appreciating at their full value the efforts now being made by the great Powers to solve some of the main international problems, and the considerable results which those efforts have already achieved, we must not forget that these problems are of importance to the international community as a whole and that it is therefore required to use its influence in the effort to find speedy and satisfactory solutions for them.
69. I should now like to mention some of the problems which seem to us to be among the most important at this session.
70. First, of course, there is the problem of disarmament, whose immense importance from the point of view of world peace and security is obvious. We were all, I am sure, happy to note the encouraging developments which took place in this field in the course of the year. Nor, I think, is there any cause for bewailing unduly the difficulties which appear to have arisen since that time; they are probably due to the fact that the disarmament question is passing more and more into the realm of practical possibilities, and that should eventually bring us nearer to, not take us further from, a solution. We hope that this interpretation will be confirmed in the near future.
71. It is a fact, nevertheless, that the armaments race does not as yet seem to have slowed down. Arms are still being piled up at a terrifying rate — terrifying both in their volume and in their destructive power. Further endeavours to reduce divergencies in this matter, on the basis of agreements already reached, or on the basis of the extent to which the gap between the views has been narrowed in certain aspects of the problem, should, therefore, constitute an important part of the general efforts made to remove the remaining causes of tension. In that respect, good results have been achieved 'both in Geneva and in the Sub-Committee of the Disarmament Commission in London.
72. We cannot help wondering, however, in this connexion, if it would not be possible even now to reach an agreement at least not to increase any further expenditures on armaments and armed forces. Have not some countries, indeed, already gone further in this direction? Have they not already begun to reduce their armed forces and their military budgets? And is not that fact itself proof that conditions are already ripe for such a step?
73. Another question closely linked to that of disarmament is the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes. The progress made-in this field, in the combining of efforts in order to apply one of the most remarkable discoveries made by the human brain so that it shall contribute to the happiness of man and not to his destruction, is one of the most heartening aspects of recent developments in the international situation. In that connexion, as I have already said, special mention should be made of the Geneva Conference, both on account of the results it achieved and on account of the spirit of confidence and goodwill which inspired it Obviously fresh efforts are required in this new and important field of international co-operation, and there again the United Nations should continue to play a vital part.
74. Particular attention should, in our view, be paid to the need to combat the very real danger that the use of atomic energy may widen the gulf between the developed and the under-developed countries, which would undoubtedly have disastrous effects on the progress of world economy as a whole if adequate efforts were not at the same time made to speed up the economic development of the under-developed countries Atomic energy will not, as it were, fall into the laps of those who need it most urgently. It is therefore not only a duty but it is also in the interests of the wealthy nations which, by that very fact, are in the best position to make use of this new source of energy, to help to bridge the gap which will otherwise inevitably widen.
75. There is another practical aspect of the problem of the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes which requires our urgent attention: it is that of the International Atomic Energy Agency. My delegation will express its views on that matter in full when the item is under discussion. However, I should already like to say that we believe the closest relations should be established between the agency mid the United Nations. I should like to say, too, that in general the ever growing part being played by the United Nations in the new international situation requires more and more co-ordination between the different sectors of international activity within the universal framework of the Organization.
76. The changed international atmosphere offers fresh possibilities and at the same time requires a more resolute effort to grapple with some of the long-term problems upon the solution of which the establishment of a lasting peace will largely depend. The time has come for the United Nations to exert greater efforts in the economic and social fields. In the unfavourable conditions of the cold war, when about one-seventh of the world’s income was spent on military purposes, great progress in international co-operation in this sphere could hardly be expected. Nor could it even be hoped that trade would develop on a truly international and multilateral basis. It was said, too, that there could be no question of spending large sums on helping the under-developed countries and regions. The invaluable work of the United Nations in the social field was also seriously hampered. However, even in those -dark days, the United Nations provided some encouraging examples of joint international action in the fields of technical assistance, and of assistance to children through the United Nations Children’s Fund. That was made possible, of course, largely by the contributions of the wealthiest countries, in particular the United States and the United Kingdom.
77. It should obviously be possible to do much more today, especially with regard to economic development problems. As the Secretary-General states in his report, “while the world has increasingly come to understand' the need for such development, it does not yet sufficiently appreciate the urgency of that need” [A/2911, p. xiv]. There is no doubt, however, that the new conditions offer an immediate possibility for perceptible progress to be made towards the. solution of this problem.
78. In a solemn declaration in resolution 724 A (VIII), the General Assembly undertook to devote a portion of the savings achieved through internationally supervised disarmament to a Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development. Although internationally supervised disarmament has not yet been achieved, it would appear that the other conditions said to be necessary for more positive steps to be taken towards the setting up of this fund and tor more extensive international co-operation in the economic and social fields in general have now been fulfilled.
79. Apart from these more general problems, with respect to which the United Nations bears a heavy responsibility, I must draw attention, as many speakers have done before me, to a matter which has a more direct, bearing on the United Nations as a world organization. I am referring to the question of the universality of the United Nations, or rather to its lack of universality, which seriously hampers its capacity for action in the various fields in which it is required by the Charter to use its influence. How can we either explain or justify the fact that, ten years after the San Francisco Conference, the number of States still awaiting admission to the United Nations amounts to one-third of the present number of Member States and, more especially, that nearly half the countries of Europe do not belong to the Organization and that a country as large and important as China is still denied admission?
80. If there is any further-delay in solving this problem, the responsibility will rest on us all, but more particularly on the permanent members of the Security Council. My delegation believes that the best solution would undoubtedly be to admit all candidates whose international status is not questioned. We would, however, support any other proposal for enlarging the membership of the United Nations, any proposal, that is, which would enable it to break out of the present impasse. Even the smallest progress in this field would undoubtedly have favourable repercussions on the future development of the international atmosphere and international relations.
81. Naturally, there are many other very important problems, some of which are before us while others, although not actually included in our agenda, nevertheless greatly influence the general atmosphere in which our session is taking place. I can do no more than mention them here. There are the questions concerned with Europe, to which Yugoslavia, as a European country, naturally attaches great importance; they include the closely connected questions of Germany and European security.
82. There are also the various problems connected with Asia, at the core of which lies the need to recognize fully and in good time the great changes which are altering the whole appearance of this continent and its relations with what is called the West.
83. There are, finally, the formidable problems connected with Africa, whose importance is growing daily, and towards which our Organization has very special responsibilities.
84. It is upon this interpretation of the present international situation and upon these fundamental principles that Yugoslavia has based its policy with regard to its foreign relations.
85. All members of the Assembly are, I believe, aware of the efforts my country has made to help remove immediate causes of conflict, to help ease tension and to bring about a general improvement in the international atmosphere, They are also aware of our present efforts to make this improvement more real and more lasting. These efforts spring from the deep conviction, which I have expressed at some length here, that peace can and should be strengthened by co-operation, in accordance with the principles of the Charter, with all countries which, whatever their political or social systems, are themselves prepared, to offer such co-operation.
86. This policy, which we have always followed, has already been apparent in our friendship and fruitful cooperation with the United States, the United Kingdom, France and many other countries in all parts of the world. It is illustrated by our participation in the settlement of the Trieste question, long felt to be a source of danger for Europe, at great cost to ourselves. Other examples are the active part we have taken in organizing a broad system of co-operation in the Balkans with Greece and Turkey, and our efforts to help found and to join in a wider system of European co-operation.
87. A recent expression of this policy was the great improvement in our relations with the Soviet Union, and also with Bulgaria, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania and Albania. It is now generally agreed that this improvement contributed in large measure to the removal of one of the sources of tension in Europe, replacing it by a constructive co-operation based on principles of equality and mutual respect.
88. I should take, finally, to point to the ever closer relations which Yugoslavia is establishing with certain Asian and African countries, especially India, Burma, Egypt and Ethiopia, which shows that even countries which are separated by great distances and vary widely in their general circumstances and ideas, can nevertheless have common aims and can co-operate closely where the essential purpose of conserving peace is concerned.
89. All this, it seems to me, is concrete proof of the practical acceptability and efficacy of the policy which my country is endeavouring to follow in the international sphere and which I have attempted to outline here.
90. The Yugoslav delegation will be guided by these same ideas in the action it takes in the course of this session of the General Assembly. We believe that the United Nations is called upon to play a major part in a world which is endeavouring to move along the road towards international co-operation, peace and universal progress. This Assembly, we are sure, will make a great contribution in that direction. We must unite our efforts in order to achieve those ends. That is what the peoples who desire peace demand and expect of us.