128. The United Nations has just turned a page in its history. The present session is called upon to take the first step towards that future which we all hope will mark an improvement as regards peace, justice and well-being in the world. The commemorative session at San Francisco drew up a balance-sheet of the first ten years of the existence of the United Nations; it also illuminated with its hopes the road which our Organization must follow in order to fulfil the expectations of the peoples and gradually to transform the promises of the Charter into realities.
129. The present session, which is the first in what may he called the second period of the existence and activities of the United/ Nations, thus assumes vital importance. It is a working session in which the General Assembly is called upon to take the first step along the road of its own future. To quote a familiar saying, it is always the first step that is the hardest. To make a bad start would be to tarnish this as yet unblemished future with a dark stain.
130. The present session is only just beginning, but the few opening meetings that we have held do not augur well. Greece — the whole of Greece, its Government and its people — is voicing its disappointment and anxiety at the first words pronounced in the Assembly, and you know full well the reason. They were negative words, words lacking in courage; instead of opening the path to hope, they closed the doors of the United Nations and blocked the way of justice and international agreement with regard to urgent and serious problems. Only two days ago, the General Assembly decided [521st meeting] not to discuss the question of Cyprus at this session, but events are already moving fast.
131. According to an official dispatch published by Reuters this morning, Sir John Harding, the Chief of Staff of the British Army, has been appointed Governor of the island of Cyprus, with instructions to conduct a campaign of extermination against those whom the United Kingdom Government describes as “anti-British terrorists”. According to a statement by the Colonial Office, the reason for the appointment was the need for concerted action by all the security forces on the island, so that law and order might be maintained. The United Kingdom, having removed the obstacle represented by the United Nations, is going to war against the people of Cyprus. I would ask those who, only two days ago, preached from this high rostrum the virtues of “quiet diplomacy”, whether they consider that this action by the United Kingdom Government comes under the heading of the “quiet diplomacy” which that Government proposes to use for the settlement of the Cyprus question.
132. We are greatly concerned. As we saw the other day, our anxiety is shared by many delegations. That is perhaps the only ray of hope that we can see in an extremely dark picture. But our anxiety is justified. Is the tenth session of the Assembly, this session which forms the link between the first and second periods of the existence of the United Nations, called Upon to pass on to the future all that was bad, unjust and deplorable in the past?
133. The United Nations Charter is not a proclamation of principles and intentions. It is not a breviary which enables some more or less hypocritical voices to murmur appropriate prayers from time to time. We are not here to preach sermons. We are here to settle political questions. The United Nations Charter is a political instrument. The United Nations Charter is a contract, a contract between each signatory State and the other signatories, a contract between each Member State and the international community created by the Charter. And a contract is valid only to the extent to which it is observed by those who have signed it.
134. We have heard all too many statements here about respect for treaties. It is, of course, quite tight to stress the overriding necessity not to undermine the contractual basis of international relations but, that being so, why should the Charter be an exception to the rule? Why should those who have assumed certain obligations by signing the Charter be entitled to ignore or even to violate them whenever they see fit to do so? The Charter is not merely a treaty; it is the treaty of treaties.
135. It is true that the Charter contains general principles governing certain sectors of international life and activities. That is perfectly understandable; the Charter cannot provide for every specific case that may arise. This does not mean, however, that these principles do not represent concrete and definite obligations and that we are free to deal with the relevant specific cases otherwise than within the framework of, and in conformity with, these Obligations.
136. In this connexion, it is rather strange to note that the gap between the principles proclaimed and the practice followed is becoming wider and wider. After the Atlantic Charter, after the Potomac Charter, after the Pacific Communique, after Bandung and after the adoption by the United States Congress, only a few weeks ago, of a resolution which roundly censured colonialism and its evils, we are witnessing developments which lead to a contrary practice.
137. We must bear in mind the fact that, especially in this Assembly, no one has the right to set himself up in judgement over another. Every opinion, provided that it is sincere, must be respected. Moreover, we all know that even the weakest thesis contains some grain of truth. There is absolutely no need for the colonial Powers and their supporters to profess beliefs which they do not hold and which they have no intention of applying because they consider them to be contrary to their interests. But that is not where the danger lies. The great danger lies in doing the opposite of what one says. The peoples are listening to our words. They will be our judges.
138. That observation leads to another important problem. How are opinions with regard to political questions, controversies and disputes formed in this Assembly? What are the determining factors in a vote? No one questions the right of each Government to determine its policy in accordance with its national interests; on the other hand, it is obvious that, in so far as national interests are not directly concerned, it is the interest of our international community, in accordance with the letter and spirit of the Charter, that should be the sole guide for the actions of our delegations to this Assembly. But is that really how things are done? Judging by the past, it would not seem so. The initial stages of our work at this session do not give grounds for any great optimism. Of course we must not lose hope, especially in view of the salutary reactions that are increasingly to be observed. Moreover, we cannot but rejoice at the courage of certain States which, through simple loyalty to the principles of freedom and justice, are successfully resisting the discipline and the alignments of opinion imposed by the dynamics of our Assembly.
139. The favourable developments in international relations that have been reported in recent months, the end of the cold war and the efforts made by both sides to bring about a real peace between East and West, should promote similar developments, all too long awaited in our Assembly. The warmth of a better international climate might be expected to lead to the gradual melting of unduly rigid discipline and alignments. There will always be friendships, preferences and concurrence of opinions and interests. But the Assembly can and must be reborn into a greater independence. Only a decline of constellations will make world unity possible.
140. As I have just said, we are glad to see signs of an international truce on the cold war front. We should not forget, however, that the course of events in other parts of the world is extremely disturbing. Distress signals are lighting up. A breath of freedom is stirring the oppressed peoples. Blood is flowing. Ruins are piling up.
141. The United Nations cannot close its eyes to this sad reality. It cannot, without jeopardizing the achievement of its aims, hesitate to play its part of peacemaker. It must fulfil the expectations of the peoples and gain their confidence by courageously assuming the responsibilities which are incumbent upon it. The great principles of the Charter must always illuminate the action of our Organization. To disappoint the peoples who have placed their confidence in us might lead to grave disaster.
142. Before concluding my statement, I should like to present two general Observations which, in my opinion, arise from the discussion of the inclusion of the question of Cyprus in the agenda of this session.
143. During the debate [521st meeting], the representative of India summarized the essence of the problem of Cyprus with admirable clarity. In the midst of the confusion created by die-hard diplomacy and controversies, he recognized the only valid truth. Mr. Menon said that Cyprus was inhabited by a people which belonged to no one, only to itself, and that it must remain master of its own fate. In saying this, the Indian representative conveyed to us the message that, henceforth, under the rule of the United Nations Charter, the “human factor” must be the fundamental and determining factor. In the colonies which are still to be found in the world, the people are no longer pawns of the geographical considerations of some nations or of the security and the economic interests of others. Their fate must depend solely on their own will.
144. My second remark is as follows. A few days ago, Mr. Trujillo, the representative of Ecuador, made a speech from this rostrum [519th meeting] which moved us profoundly by its lofty thought and compelling inspiration. This hall echoed with the most noble pleading of a just cause. In his great humility, Mr. Trujillo said repeatedly that his voice was that of a small country. Nevertheless, there could be no difficulty in recognizing true greatness in the voice of that small country.
145. There will always be large and small countries in the world or, to use a more accurate expression, the strong and the weak. No one could or would deny this fact. In the United Nations, however, the role of the small States is as important as that of the large, for the concepts of law and justice are just as much the prerogative of the small and weak as of the large countries; indeed, they may be even more the prerogative of the weak. These concepts are their only defence against the arbitrariness which exist, by definition, in any concept of strength and power. The union of small countries for the defence of these principles constitutes a guarantee for the advent of a rule of law in international life.