91. It is a very healthy and profitable practice indeed that those delegations to the General Assembly who wish to review the world situation from their respective angles can do so annually.
92. The year which has elapsed has been very significant in the life of my country as well as in the history of the world. As far as my country is concerned, we have continued to progress in the path of social and economic reconstruction, devoting the greater part of our income from oil to major development projects. In this process of development, Iraq, acting in a true spirit of international co-operation, profits from the services of international technical assistance as well as of experts from several countries.
93. Very significant in the life of my country this year has been the signing of the Pact of Mutual Co-operation between Iraq and Turkey at Baghdad, a pact which was later joined by the United Kingdom and very recently by Pakistan. The Baghdad Pact is a definite contribution to peace and stability in the Middle East. It is based on the application of Articles 51 and 52 of the United Nations Charter. By joining the Baghdad Pact, Iraq and the United Kingdom reached an agreement to terminate the 1930 Treaty of Alliance between the United Kingdom and Iraq, by which the United Kingdom had maintained two air bases in Iraq. After this agreement, Iraq took over the air bases and thus, for the first time since the First World War, Iraq has no foreign bases on its soil. This agreement certainly marks a great event in the history of my country.
94. In the international realm, four outstanding meetings were held during this year, namely, the Bandung Conference, the meeting of the Heads of Government of the four great Powers at Geneva, the International Conference on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy at Geneva and the San Francisco gathering for the tenth anniversary of the United Nations. We wish to put before the General Assembly our impressions of these meetings and evaluate their significance for international peace and security.
95. We begin with the Bandung Conference, in which 29 nations from Asia and Africa took part. Bandung will go down in history as a significant event, because it was an expression on the part of the peoples of Asia and Africa of their earnest desire to serve the cause of a peace based on the fundamental freedoms and the human rights of all mankind. Bandung meant the recognition of equality and partnership of the peoples of Asia and Africa with the nations and peoples of other continents. It was a declaration that the days of colonial supremacy and racial domination were over. It meant that we live in one world today which must be indivisible and whose parts cannot be separated by geographical, racial, national or religious barriers. Bandung was not an expression of separatism on the part of Asian and African peoples, but it symbolized the new spirit of man which yearns for unity, bringing together east and west, north and south. It was an invitation to the Western nations to change their attitude towards their once subject races and prove to them that they are their brothers and equals today.
96. All the States attending the Bandung Conference affirmed their faith in and support of the principles of the United Nations Charter, as well as the fundamentals of human rights, the dignity and worth of man. Members of the Bandung Conference were unanimous in denouncing colonialism in all its forms and shapes and in whatever new guise it might appear. Under the principle of self-determination and the application of human rights, Bandung supported the rights of the Arabs of Palestine to their own homes in that country and denounced racial and colour discrimination in South Africa or any other part of the world. In denouncing colonialism, Bandung affirmed the rights of the peoples of North Africa, namely, in Morocco, Algeria and, Tunisia, to self-determination, and appealed to France to recognize those rights. It supported the position of Indonesia on the question of West Irian.
97. Whilst all delegations at Bandung were unanimous in denouncing colonialism, some delegations, including my own, were specific in pointing out that Communist infiltration and subversion in any part of the world constituted a new form of colonialism, much deadlier than the old type. Communism subjugates the peoples it dominates, not only physically and politically but mentally and spiritually as well. Under the old form of colonialism there is some chance of hearing the cries of pain of the subjugated peoples. Under Communist colonialism no such cries are heard.
98. In short, Bandung wanted to see an end to man’s domination over man, man's exploitation of man, whether that be on an individual level, on a class level or on a national level. Enslavement of peoples, racial and colour discrimination, religious 'bigotry, economic exploitation, class discrimination, colonialism, Communist infiltration and subversion, all have been sources of trouble and unrest in the world and must come to an end.
99. The Bandung Conference should not be taken as the formation, of a bloc in the international situation today, for it included members of divergent creeds, races and ideologies. It should rather be considered as an appeal to the existing blocs, whether Eastern or Western, to tear down the intellectual and spiritual walls that separate mankind.
100. It is a sad situation to see that the peoples of the West still consider themselves more or less an exclusive group who cling together whenever they are asked to apply the principles of freedom, democracy and equality to the races of Asia and Africa. The Western Powers, to be true to themselves and to their culture and ideology, must see to it that the principles of liberation of peoples and equality between men, irrespective of geography, colour or creed, should be the guiding spirit of the modern age. We live in a world that is getting smaller and smaller every day, and no matter how distant we are from each other we are becoming neighbours. European nations must finally abandon the idea that they are entitled to rule other peoples and decide their destiny for them. Instead, cooperation and partnership in building a new World should be the order of the day.
101. The nations of the Americas which enjoy the blessings of freedom today have, both in the United Nations and outside, a splendid record in support of the aspirations of the dependent peoples to self- determination and freedom. There is a fear, however, that some of them may begin to forget the struggle they went through to achieve their independence and may therefore not actively sympathize with those nations in Asia and Africa which are today passing through the same processes which they themselves have experienced in the last two centuries.
102. The situation in North Africa is a good example, in which we unfortunately see Western Europe united in blocking a speedy attainment of freedom, and in which we find the United States and some countries in the Americas shy to be outspoken in expressing their principles and ideals.
103. This is exactly what the Bandung Conference hoped to avert, for it aimed at unity of action between Asia, Africa, Europe and the Americas in the path of liberation and equality of all peoples, The. sooner we achieve that unity and tear down the walls between continents and races, the better for the peace and harmony of this world.
104. In short, the Bandung Conference tried to be an embodiment of the principles and ideals of the United Nations Charter. It presented a new hope for mankind — a hope for unity and peace which should be shared by Europe and the Americas.
105. I turn now to the Geneva Conference, the meeting of the four Heads of Government of France, the United Kingdom, the United States and the USSR at Geneva last July satisfied a long-standing desire of this Assembly — expressed in resolutions proposed by Mexico in 1948 and by Iraq and Syria in 1950, and unanimously adopted [resolutions 190 (III) and 377 C (V)] — that such a meeting should be held to reduce world tension. Although the meeting has not, so far, given rise to any concrete results, the fact that it did take place is in itself a world event that gives mankind some hope for peace.
106. We sincerely hope that a united Germany in a free and united Europe will be achieved for the sake of mankind as a whole, and not for the sake of Europe alone.
107. With regard to disarmament, we welcome wholeheartedly the proposals made by President Eisenhower at Geneva for the exchange of blueprints and for mutual inspection of military installations. To our mind, the best way to achieve confidence and dispel mutual fears is to abolish secrecy about armaments and to establish a system of adequate inspection. It is our hope that progress in this direction will be made and a general reduction of armaments achieved.
108. But the issue of Germany and the reduction of armaments are not the only causes of world tension today. There are other issues in the world, such as the Palestine problem and the many problems emanating from colonialism. There are also iron curtains, the wars of propaganda, infiltration and subversion in other countries — which may be mentioned as examples of questions which remain to be dealt with. We do not believe that, in this age of nuclear weapons, any country would be foolish enough to wish to wage war, especially now that the two conflicting camps in the world are both armed and prepared for self-defence. But fear of conquest by infiltration and subversion from within and without still hangs over many small nations, like my own. Post-war developments in Eastern Europe and later events in Korea and Indo-China indeed justify this fear.
109. Although the Geneva conference did not deal with all these topics, we sincerely hope that, at the forthcoming meeting, the Foreign Ministers will be more specific and, at the same, time, more inclusive in their treatment of the various world problems causing international tension. Although we welcome the meeting of the four Powers, we wish to submit a word of caution to them that, at their conference, they should at no time think only of their individual interests. We would urge their consultation individually with the States which are concerned with each specific problem before and during their meetings. No impression should be left that the Big Four are meeting to make decisions for other nations and to make them behind their backs. We would urge that secret diplomacy should be finally abandoned for the sake of international peace and mutual confidence.
110. At any rate, the Geneva conference does provide a basis for future hope if it leads to further concrete improvement in the international situation and we hope that Geneva, like Bandung, will make history.
111. The International Conference on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy, held last month in Geneva, following the resolution adopted by the General Assembly on 4 December 1954 [resolution 810 (IX)] implementing President Eisenhower’s proposal of 8 December 1953 [470th meeting], is certainly the type of work that represents the true spirit of the Charter, for it replaces destruction by construction, fear by confidence, and exploitation by co-operation. We sincerely hope that further scientific development in the field of nuclear physics will continue to contribute to world health, prosperity and amity, The Conference was indeed an epoch-making event.
112. The meeting of the Member States in San Francisco in June 1955 to commemorate the tenth anniversary of the signing of the Charter brought to memory that atmosphere of optimism which prevailed in San Francisco ten years ago. Those of us who were in that city very well remember the hopes which we cherished that the end of the war might usher in a new era of freedom, equality, prosperity and peace for all mankind. We met there - ‘to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind, and to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, and to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained, and to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom”.
113. In spite of the many fine achievements in the field of the liberation of nations and in material reconstruction during the last ten years, many of our hopes and aspirations at San Francisco have not been realized. China, Korea and Indo-China present the world with grave situations, and the Middle East was struck at its heart by the partition of Palestine and the creation of the aggressive State of Israel, which has proved to be a constant threat to peace and stability in that area.
114. The Palestine question provides a sensitive barometer for the moral conscience of mankind. For no matter how small Palestine may be in area, it is very great indeed in its meaning and its spirit. It is a land holy to Christians, Moslems and jews alike. The peace-loving Arab inhabitants of that country, both Christians and Moslems, have been uprooted and rendered homeless. . .
115. There can be no peace in the world if there is no peace in the Middle East, and there can be no peace in the Middle East until the Palestine question is settled on the basis of right and justice. The Arabs of Palestine are entitled to the enjoyment of human rights. They are entitled to self-determination. They are entitled to their own country and their own homes. They cannot be forcibly driven Out of their homes and told to surrender their rights. Any attempt to whittle down the fundamental rights of the Arabs of Palestine is an injustice to humanity, a denial of fundamental moral principles, and a source of constant trouble and subversion in the Middle East.
116. Those Powers which were responsible for the creation of Israel must realize that the Arabs will never abandon their rights to their homes in Palestine and that no compensation will ever be considered a substitute for those homes. The same Powers must see to it that the United Nations resolutions on Palestine are at least respected and that Arab rights therein are not reduced, They must see to it that Israel follows the provisions on those resolutions, which are the raison d’être of Israel itself. They must also see to it that Israel stops regression and is punished for all aggressive acts which it commits. To let it go unpunished, as has been done in the cases of Qibya, Nahhalin and Gaza, where flagrant atrocities and crimes resulting in the death of innocent men, women and children were committed, is certainly not conducive to peace. This encourages Israel to continue its aggressive acts. Lastly, until a settlement of the Palestine issue is achieved, the United Nations must see to it that Arab property left behind is taken over by the United Nations and rents and revenues turned over to the lawful owners.
117. In short, we submit that the issue of Palestine has been one of the darkest pages in the history of the United Nations in the last ten years. We sincerely hope that the United Nations will achieve a rectification of the wrongs done to the Arabs of Palestine.
118. Another issue in the handling of which the United Nations has faltered is the issue of North Africa. The right of the peoples of Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco to self-determination is clear, and we sincerely hope that in the new decade the United Nations will see to it that Tunisia continues to move in the path of independence, and that massacres are finally brought to an end in Morocco by the restoration of the legitimate Sultan and by the recognition of the right of die Moroccans to independence and self-determination.
119. With regard to Algeria, we greatly deplore the methods of mass and collective destruction and the use of large forces of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization against innocent peoples who have committed no sin but to seek freedom and equality from a nation which considers itself a great champion of freedom and equality.
120. The record of the United Nations in its handling of the question of North Africa is not a very encouraging one. It looks as though those nations that championed the cause of freedom and democracy in the Second World War began to cool off in serving those causes as we moved in time away from the Second World War. Does this mean that we are going to forget the fundamental principles for which two world wars were fought? Does this mean that subject races must now abandon hope for freedom and self-determination and wait for another world war to achieve it? It is our submission that no greater injustice is done to this Organization than to shut its doors to the cause of freedom and self-determination of peoples whenever this freedom is asked for by any people on this earth.
121. The United Nations cannot remain indifferent to the tragic situation in Algeria and Morocco, where humanity is bleeding and where thousands of innocent men, women, and children are losing their lives. There is a humanitarian side to the problem besides the political side. My Government, deeply concerned with the plight of Morocco and Algeria, took a step calculated to help alleviate those sufferings; it allocated nearly $750,000 and place it at the disposal of the Iraqi lied Crescent Society, which is the equivalent, in Iraq, bf the Red Cross. My Government then approached the French Government, as well as the International Red Cross at Geneva, with a view to facilitating the work of this relief operation. It was well understood that the operation would be conducted under the auspices of the International Red Cross in Geneva, and under the supervision of the French authorities. This humane offer, which was devoid of any political motive, was callously rejected by France.
122. Another weak spot in the history of the United Nations during the last ten years has been the shutting of its doors to some twenty States applying for membership, We find no justification for the use of the veto on the admission of new Members; great countries such as Spain, Italy, Germany, Eire, Austria and other European countries should be with us. Important Asian-African countries like Japan and Ceylon, our two sister Arab States, Jordan and Libya, and many others, should have been with us. We believe in the principle of universality of membership.
123. We also believe that a conference should be held for reviewing the Charter. That review would not touch the aims and ideals of the Charter, but might include some revisions and clarifications. Abolishing the veto or at least regulating its use is an example. The application of Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter, on internal jurisdiction, needs clarification. The question of the permanent membership of the Security Council, and that bf the number of members represented in the various Councils of the Organization, need reconsideration. The right of all colonial peoples to achieve independence must 'be recognized, and the territories in question should be considered as Trust Territories. These and other items deserve consideration in the light of the progress mankind should be making towards freedom and the recognition of the right of peoples to independence and equality.
124. We sometimes hear arguments against the independence of peoples on the ground that the world is moving towards greater units and that atomization of big political units is undesirable. We agree that atomization of big political units is undesirable. We peoples of the Arab States, who were severed from the Ottoman Empire and divided after the First World War, fully appreciate the danger of atomization. We certainly believe in integration and co-operation, and the Arab League is meant precisely to be a step in that direction, But the amalgamation and integration of. peoples and States, however desirable, must be made on the 'basis of freedom, and after self-determination has been achieved. This holds especially true in the case of the peoples of North Africa, Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco in their association with France. We have no quarrel with their association with France, provided this association is arranged on the basis of freedom and equality, after these countries achieve self-determination. Such questions may well be clarified in reviewing the Charter.
125. In conclusion, we wish to reaffirm our faith in the principles of the Charter and in the future of the United Nations, realizing that the Charter must penetrate our hearts and our minds before we can achieve its ideals and purposes. To do that we must examine ourselves from within. We must purify our hearts and minds and practise the dictum of: "Do unto others as you would have them do unto you.” We must achieve moral rearmament. If this principle were accepted then the Charter would be a living organism quite effective in regulating international relations.
126. In the light of the spirit of the Charter, we wish to submit the following suggestions as practical steps to be taken to promote international peace, harmony and security: First, a time limit should be set for the application of the principle of self-determination to all colonies and subject races, after which time colonialism should be finally abolished and subject races should have the right to choose freely to associate themselves with the metropolitan countries or to secede therefrom. Secondly, ways and means must be established whereby Communist infiltration and subversion are completely stopped. Thirdly, propaganda war must be abandoned by all nations, and truth - the whole truth — must he the guiding principle of world information: services. Fourthly, international conflicts, including that of Palestine, must be dealt with on the basis of the fundamental rights and principles laid down in the Charter, and not on the basis of faits accomplis and power politics. Fifthly, armament reduction and the abolition of nuclear weapons must go hand in hand. Secrecy must be abolished. An effective system of international inspection and control must be established. Sixthly, the money saved from a reduction of armaments might well go into a world fund for developing the under-developed areas. Seventhly, an international university should be established by the United Nations where persons should be educated to assume world leadership for all nations. Those seven suggestions are offered for this Organization’s consideration, as practical steps towards promoting the purposes and principles of the Charter.
127. We all aspire to peace, but peace by itself cannot subsist unless it is founded on justice, truth, freedom and equality. For it is these precepts that constitute the worth of man, and it is the worth of man — irrespective of race, colour or creed — that is the paramount concern of this Organization.