66. I associate myself whole-heartedly with the congratulations which Mr. Maza has received on his well-deserved election as President of the General Assembly. He was elected because of his personal merits and his brilliant parliamentary career, and his election is at the same time a recognition of Chile’s enthusiastic support of the United Nations and the conspicuous services it has rendered the Organization.
67. I must also recall, both as a matter of justice and out of affection, the brilliant manner in which the former President, Mr. van Kleffens, gave us proof of human [feeling, extreme courtesy, and a masterly skill in settling difficult questions.
68. And since I am talking about justice, I cannot omit, in this review, to pay a tribute to the work done by the Secretary-General of the United Nations in preparation for the Geneva Conference, the success of which we are all enthusiastically acclaiming, and to the negotiations which he conducted with such intelligence and adroitness on behalf of the prisoners detained in China, which were also crowned with success.
69. Having satisfied justice, I shall turn to the questions before us. The commemoration of the signing of the United Nations Charter at San Francisco gave us an opportunity to examine the Organization’s work and to point out some of the reasons which had made it difficult and the perils which beset it. In sober and authoritative terms, speakers expressed the view that the balance sheet of the United Nations was favourable. We believe, however, that an attempt should be made to examine the Organization as a whole. We emphasize this word “whole” because the United Nations, a living institution, does not depend on the legal provisions of the Charter alone, but on the whole complex of psychological, economic, social and moral factors which have come within what we might call its vital scope.
70. When the League of Nations was founded, many believed that the European system of balance of power had been abolished and superseded by the so-called collective security system embodied in the juridical obligation of common defence. But that plan, which in any case lacked the necessary universality because of the absence of the United States of America, the late entry of the Soviet Union and of Germany, and then the withdrawal of the latter and also of Japan, failed. It failed because the League put its faith mostly in the; legal aspect of the problem, without taking the moral atmosphere into accounts — an atmosphere unfortunately vitiated at the time by conflicting ideological currents ~ and without paying attention to the essential factor, the economic interdependence of States.
71. The experience of the League of Nations led the founders of the United Nations to seek the greatest possible degree of universality by bringing in all the large States and opening the door to all peace-loving countries. The Soviet Union and the United States of America, which had been absent when the League of Nations was founded, were the two pillars of the new Organization. The Security Council was given executive powers for the defence of peace. The Military Staff Committee was set up and means were provided whereby all States could co-operate in any necessary restraining action. An effort was made to develop human solidarity in its cultural and economic aspects, both as an end in itself and as a means of ensuring peace. Lastly, in conferring upon the General Assembly, true expression of the democracy of States, the power to discuss matters, provision was made to enlist the feelings of world public opinion for peace. Thus the merely legal obligation of collective security was to become integrated in its vital process with economic and cultural interdependence, and the whole was to be guided by the universal conscience, as personified by and incarnated in the General Assembly.
72. We could thus envisage not only the coexistence of equal and sovereign Powers within their own spheres in which no one should interfere, but a programme of economic co-operation requiring a living and fruitful moral atmosphere.
73. The great Powers were given the mandate to preserve peace and to use all their strength and resources for that purpose. The Charter respected regional agreements. Dependent peoples were given the hope of achieving self-government, sacred mandates being established in some cases and in other cases trusteeship agreements which were to lead to independence and freedom. Lastly, the Statute of the International Court of Justice was drafted, and it was hoped that the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court would be extended.
74. All this magnificent and imposing machinery was based, unfortunately, on two postulates: constant agreement of the great Powers in all important questions and the existence of a moral atmosphere of complete agreement on certain ethical questions, without, which it is impossible for obligations to be fulfilled or juridical institutions to function. I repeat — a political aspect — agreement among the great Powers; a moral aspect — full agreement on ethical certainties, that is to say, on international morals.
75. Events have shown that these two conditions have rarely been fulfilled. The Soviet Union has followed its traditional policy, which is based on its own geographical and military position, and it took full advantage of its military position when the other Allies suddenly disarmed, while Europe was in the grip of a serious crisis. The life of our Organization began at a time of great instability; that should be clearly indicated by political sociology. Moreover, once the common danger had disappeared through the destruction of the Nazi regime, the contrast re-emerged between the Western concept of life, which endeavours to realize social justice within a context of freedom, and the Marxist concept, which endeavours to realize it through the all-powerful action of the State.
76. The century-old experience of Europe has proved that a concentration of power, with its tendency towards a universal State, can be halted only by an equilibrium achieved under the beneficent and effective influence of spiritual values. With all its defects, the limitation of power by balance, in accordance with concepts dating back to mediaeval tradition, brought long periods of peace to Europe during the eighteenth century and initiated that concert of Powers described by Voltaire in memorable pages, which was a unique example in the history of civilization. The same factors of military and political balance and spiritual community also brought long periods of peace to Europe in the nineteenth century, and up to the 1914 war, as has been clearly shown by Professor Taylor in his book, The Struggle for Mastery in Europe.
77. The United Nations could not be given the magic power of creating ex nihilo and overnight the elements necessary to replace the military and moral conditions for the limitation of power which existed under the old system of balance. Fortunately, the Charter has safeguarded the principle of regional collective security in the event that universal collective security does not function owing to lack of agreement among the great Powers. Thanks to this principle, and within the letter and spirit of the Charter, treaties can be signed which guarantee not only peace within a certain region, but also defence against all extra-regional aggression, thus making a certain balance possible.
78. It is true that the discovery of atomic weapons in the critical period between 1946 and 1949 placed in the hands of the West the greatest force capable of halting or containing aggression, but it did not prevent wars of subversion, a slow and stealthy advance, constant infiltration, and lastly, expansion in Asia, which could only be arrested by the miracle of collective action which took place in Korea.
79. Economic co-operation, with the generous help of the United States, has brought about a favourable change in European countries. Christian democracy, which admirably synthesizes the supreme dignity of the individual with the most advanced requirements of social justice, prepared the reconstruction of Italy and Germany, and inspired that of France, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg, thus preparing the integration of Europe on a basis of economic unity and cultural community. With indefatigable and heroic dignity, Spain has countered all intervention, no matter whence it came, with its supreme desire for independence which, in keeping with its glorious traditions, it has always exercised in favour of the West, that is, of peace.
80. The economic rehabilitation and the democratic organization of Europe have created a link of effective mutual dependence which is reflected in the treaties which have been signed, the essence and aim of which is peace. This type of mutual dependence has also inspired other pacts signed by the democratic countries of Asia and of other areas for common defence.
81. Slowly, in accordance with the letter and spirit of the United Nations Charter, conditions have been created for a new balance, of a defensive character, the efficacy of which is reflected in the change in the policy of the Soviet bloc. This result speaks with crushing eloquence of the need to maintain and consolidate the position which has been reached.
82. Although the Soviet Union also possesses nuclear weapons, the balance does not appear to have been endangered. The infinite danger of these weapons has created an attitude of restraint on both sides. Nuclear weapons, unlike other armaments, do not awaken the spirit of adventure or the desire to go to war at every opportunity in the fallacious illusion of a swift and final victory. The conviction is taking root, in the minds not only of the leaders but also of the peoples of the world — and it is our duty to strengthen this conviction — that atomic warfare, even if it is begun locally and is limited at first to tactical operations, will tend to become generalized and will lead quickly to the annihilation of both sides. Not the dream of a universal empire, but the ghastly nightmare of universal destruction, hangs over the minds of the leaders of today.
83. Today there is no common body of transcendental beliefs and ethical certainties, nor is there any common concept of life, such as existed in the balance of Europe in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, but there does exist, in addition to the material balance which is now developing, a consciousness of the common danger which would arise as a result of any warlike adventure. It is obvious that generous spirits would prefer to a negative bond and reciprocal fear — to what is known as the balance of terror — a positive union based on respect for the genuine ways of life of each people and mutual understanding of the particular value of each culture. But, failing such profound and dynamic solidarity, we must take full advantage of what has been created by reciprocal restraint, perfecting it, as the Charter requires, by economic interdependence and cultural exchange. There is a crystal-clear and most encouraging fact in life today: economies are developing in mutual dependence and the various cultures are becoming increasingly richer by their influence on one another.
84. It will be said that the United Nations, not as a legal system but as a living reality, has only revived the former balance which was. discredited by two catastrophes and the system of alliances to which has been attributed the instability which led to two wars. We can affirm with all sincerity, having carefully studied the facts, that these catastrophes occurred precisely because not enough attention had been paid to maintaining an effective and timely balance in the material and moral fields. It is obvious that there are similarities between the balance which is developing today within the framework of the Charter and the former balance, but it would be absurd to base a tendentious identification on such similarities when in fact there are differences, as I shall proceed to show.
85. The former balance was based primarily on the politico-military idea that States lived for war. The new balance uses, and has to use, politico-military elements, but within a juridical organisation.
86. The former balance presumed an aristocracy of States, a situation which was not affected by the; role which was occasionally, and temporarily, assigned to the small Powers, as at the Congress of Vienna. The new balance calls for equality of all States in co-operation for peace and security, except that the greater Powers have greater responsibility. Proof of this lies in the decisive role played to-day by the medium-sized and smaller Powers of America, Asia, Africa and Oceania.
87. The former balance was compatible with economic rivalries, which in some cases led to temporary adjustments of a commercial nature. The new balance presupposes effective economic interdependence and the need for and mutual advantage of co-operating in the development of the non-industrialized countries, and in the raising of the standard of living of all peoples.
88. The former balance was sometimes supported by religious convictions and the opinion of cultured minorities. The new balance seeks the support of popular opinion and endeavours to encourage the creation of a true universal conscience.
89. The most important difference between the old bar lance and the new lies in their respective goals. In the former system, population increase and economic progress led to increased power and changes in the military situation which could be compensated only by superhuman efforts on the part of the less favoured nations, the readjustment of old alliances or the creation of new ones. This unstable situation led to the so-called arms race, with its attendant danger of war. The new balance, which must not be regarded as an end in itself, but as a means towards a higher end, calls for a reduction of armaments to the level strictly necessary for defence, instead of an arms race. The new balance is therefore linked by its intrinsic nature to disarmament, or, to be more explicit, to the limitation and reduction of arms.
90. As the Charter lays down, States must not live for war, but for peace. The stabilization, or the “freezing”, of armed forces is not sufficient. We cannot be satisfied with a balance which might be called static. The new balance must be flexible, and although this may appear paradoxical, it must he dynamic, in that it must lead to a gradual, equitable and proportionate reduction of weapons of war to the limit needed for defence.
91. With regard to weapons of mass destruction, whether nuclear or not — high explosives, bacterial and chemical warfare — the human conscience demands their complete abolition, but not merely by words or rhetoric for propaganda purposes, which today can deceive no one. An effective and tangible limitation arms must be carried out through solemn treaties setting forth the juridical obligation of instituting an effective international control that cannot be paralysed by any system of voting. The lengthy debates in the General Assembly have had the merit of clarifying these truths; there can be no prohibition without control, and there can be no control without constant and unrestricted inspection.
92. The effectiveness of our Organization revolves around the provisions of the Charter relating to the limitation of armaments. The creation of a system that would make this effective is today the final test of sincerity in adhering to the Charter. This would require the bold initiation of frank and freely agreed inspection. The proposal made by President Eisenhower at the Geneva Conference for aerial inspection, preceded by an exchange of documentary information, must be considered in the light of these ideas. In order to appreciate the great importance of this plan, we must remember that inspection forms an indissoluble triad with control and prohibition. In order to ensure that the priority given to the abolition of nuclear weapons or to the limitation of conventional armaments does not confer an advantage on one bloc at the expense of the other, the representative of Australia suggested at the sixth session of the General Assembly that work should take place concurrently in both fields. The representative of Peru suggested that simultaneous action should be taken, and that suggestion was happily included in the Franco-British memorandum and solemnly accepted by the Soviet Union at the ninth session of the General Assembly [A/C.1/750].
93. There is one element common to disarmament in both these spheres — the sphere of atomic weapons and the sphere of conventional armaments — and that is inspection, which would be carried out by air and by the exchange of documentary information. The type of inspection proposed by President Eisenhower is the supreme proof of good faith, a decisive instrument for restoring international confidence. Such inspection would make any surprise attack both psychologically and morally impossible, and would provide a practical basis for a future agreement on the abolition of nuclear weapons and the reduction of conventional armaments. Mutual inspection is in conformity with the principle of the juridical equality of States and, if it is made general through an international organization, it will not jeopardize State sovereignty, since this can be conceived of only as the freedom of each State within the international juridical order.
94. Once an atmosphere of confidence is created and the bases for the limitation of armaments have been laid down, the rhythm of economic co-operation, which is today the great international desideratum, will be accelerated. Let us recall with legitimate pride everything that the United Nations has achieved during the days of international tension in the fields of technical assistance, child welfare, agricultural development, the struggle against disease, with limited resources and in an atmosphere of uncertainty, indeed, of fear. And let us consider the magnitude of the task that might be achieved if the prodigious sums now absorbed by war budgets were devoted to universal development programmes.
95. This task would coincide with the plans for the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes, the astonishing features and application of which were demonstrated at the Geneva Conference. That Conference was admirable not only for. its technical results, but also as a moral example of sincere co-operation and as a proof of human solidarity. The mysterious force that might have been the end of a civilization is now going to be converted into the basis of a new one. It is unnecessary to draw attention to the importance of setting up an international agency, such as that proposed by the United States of America, which will be called upon to direct this new period in human development.
96. Peru, faithful to its tradition of international solidarity, stands by its decision to collaborate fully in this programme. Indeed, as soon as the plan for the peaceful uses of atomic energy was presented, it informed the First Committee of its determination to contribute, so far as lay within its power, to the common fund that would be set up [725th meeting, para. 38].
97. My Government’s policy is directed towards the effective realization of proposals for international co-operation. This co-operation is demonstrated in the political field by unshakable adherence to the purposes and principles of the United Nations, expressed by a true policy of peace and respect for the rights of other States, as a basis for the fulfilment of the most treasured human ideals.
98. In the economic and social fields, the Peruvian Government, in compliance with the highest principles of social justice, is keeping the country’s doors open to economic, financial and technical co-operation with other States and other international organizations. Our legislation, while encouraging the development and application of techniques, offers the fullest protection to free enterprise, both by ensuring a free and unrestricted economy, and by attracting domestic or foreign private capital through a policy of encouragement and legal safeguards.
99. An aspect of economic co-operation of especial interest to Peru and other countries in and outside America is the conservation and use of the resources and wealth of the sea. The sea, a magnificent instrument of communication and trade, is for the States-which border it a source of supply which today cannot be disregarded and left to intensive and unrestricted exploitation, jeopardizing the legitimate rights of countries which look to their territorial waters for a continuation of their physical and organic existence. Such exploitation would, moreover, jeopardize the interests of mankind. The conservation of the resources and wealth of the sea is to the advantage of all and calls for scientific, controlled and regulated exploitation by the riparian States directly concerned. In accordance with traditional principles, passage must always be free, but the vital question which we have emphasized calls for the exercise of protective national legislation.
100. A glance at the events of recent days awakens in us a note of hope. We cannot fail to trust that international tension will effectively decline. The events which have taken place, although they have not immediately led to practical results, are in themselves of great significance. The Geneva Conference of the Heads of the four great Powers, the atmosphere of courtesy and understanding which reigned throughout those meetings, is a very great step indeed towards understanding and peace. There is now a favourable atmosphere for the direct and frank exchange of views which is a preliminary to all negotiations.
101. This impartial and calm survey does not underestimate the difficulties which have to be overcome or the obstacles that still exist and which seem insuperable. Paced with them, it would be absurd to be over-optimistic. Illusion, like all calculations and wishful thinking, is based on transitory interests or feelings. But, faced with hard reality, which must be daily overcome, we must do our duty, and the reward which immanent justice confers on duty done is accompanied by the inspiring light of faith. This admirable union of duty and faith must suffice.