114. For the first time in years — eight years or more — the General Assembly convenes in an atmosphere marked by a definite undertone of hope for world peace. Among the antagonisms, fears, suspicions, intrigues, encroachments and clashes which are upsetting the existence of the world community of nations, we discern that hope.
115. The permanent members of the Security Council, whose unanimity was taken for granted and, in fact, was considered to be the corner-stone of the United Nations — but whose quarrels, instead, have been badly shaking the world — are presently endeavouring to restore at least a modus vivendi among them, a modus vivendi which would give more of a chance to peace and less of a chance to war. Our prayers and our wholehearted support accompany these and all related endeavours.
116. We shall be looking forward anxiously to a new era of co-operation in the spirit of the Charter, not only among the permanent members of the Security Council but, equally, among all the Members of the United Nations, all the nations of the earth. Such co-operation, based on the freedom, the dignity and the worth of human beings, would exclude the threat and the use of force for the settlement of international disputes and would firmly establish the rule of law in international relations. For the alternative, one need only look at the haggard face of the world in which we live today: confusion and uncertainty all round; a mad armaments race; an Asia and an Africa heavily studded with fires, either ranging or potential; and a Europe spangled with many acute and explosive problems.
117. Foremost among the sources of the troubles of our present-day world is an unhappy trinity: die-hard colonialism, contempt for human rights, and the dangerous rivalry between the two big blocs — one centring around Moscow, and the other around Washington.
118. This ominous rivalry has been a constant source of worry to everyone since the time it took shape and became increasingly active — almost immediately after the end of the Second World War and the signing of the United Nations Charter. It would be idle, however, to spend time and effort in determining who is responsible — or relatively more responsible — for this rivalry, and in pinning the blame for it on one or the other country, or on any group of countries in particular. What we are especially concerned with are the results which have already followed and which are likely to follow in the wake of that rivalry.
119. It is true that we do not wish — nor does the United Nations Charter wish — that there should be agreement between these two big blocs at the expense or to the detriment of the rest of the world. It is also true that we do not wish to see another partition of the world among two or more Powers, like those of times gone by; or a new, twentieth-century edition of the nineteenth-century partition of Africa among several big Powers; or any more of those scandalous war-time deals and horse-trading, in which the pawns were whole peoples and whole countries. Yet we do not cherish the sight of much of the world already being dragged into and enrolled in the membership of one or other of the two blocs, each of which is feverishly busy trying to draw into its orbit the countries which remain uninvolved in the struggle, which are keen on making their own decisions and safeguarding their own ways of life, and which sincerely believe that certain relationships inevitably spell disaster for the weaker partner and mean a loss of freedom and the recurrence of foreign domination.
120. Parallel to this — and, wittingly or unwittingly, conspiring with it — is die-hard colonialism, which does not want to be aware that its time has passed and that it must either get out or be kicked out. Unfortunately for all concerned, wisdom does not always prevail in this respect, and the result is that strife, bitterness and hatred often get the better of co-operation, harmony and love between the many millions of human beings involved. By contrast, it is fortunate that the history of our times records several great and wise decisions in this regard — most notably those relating to India, Pakistan, Egypt, Indonesia and to the former Italian colonies. We wish to trust that similar decisions will soon be taken regarding the non-self-governing countries in North Africa, whose people cannot be made to forget the countless promises made to them during and after the war and must not be denied their natural right to self-determination and independence.
121. One might say that France has, in this connexion, been giving some signs of its awareness of modern times. But one feels impelled in truth to state simultaneously that that is still a far cry from matching the avalanche-like momentum already gained by the urge for freedom all over the world and the determination of all men no longer to be slaves. It is good that France is moving forward; it is bad that it is so slow.
122. One steadfast and great friend of France was reported to have been sought out recently by France’s Premier to talk about “the nightmarish problem faced by France in North Africa”. He listened courteously for a while, and then horrified the French Premier by asking a question: “But why do you not just free all your colonies?”
123. Indeed, why do not all colonial Powers free all their colonies? Can any mass of pretexts, can any legalistic formulae obliterate, in the false brilliance of their spuriousness, the divine right of man to be free? I am, obviously, speaking here of and against all types of foreign domination, in whatever form or under whatever guise — be it in North Africa or West Irian, be it in whatever place, east or west or north or south. We wish to believe that this was the real intent of the resolution which the Senate of the United States of America adopted on 14 July 1955, the day before President Eisenhower left for the Geneva meeting. This important resolution reads as follows: “Whereas millions of people in Europe and Asia are living in subjection to a totalitarian imperialism; and “Whereas the domination of free peoples by an aggressive despotism increases the threat against the security of all remaining free peoples, including our own; and “Whereas the people of the United States cherish a heritage and tradition of freedom and self-determination; and “Whereas it is appropriate that the Congress give expression to the desires and hopes of the people of the United States: “Therefore be it resolved “That the Senate proclaim the hope that the peoples who have been subjected to the captivity of alien despotisms shall again enjoy the right of self-determination within a framework which will sustain peace; that they shall again have the right to choose the form of government under which they will live, and that the sovereign rights of self-government shall be restored to them all in accordance with the pledge of the Atlantic Charter.”
124. The Bandung Conference expressed itself in more universal and more explicit terms when, in its unanimity, and speaking for nearly two-thirds of the world’s population, it adopted the following resolutions, which I take leave to put on record here: “The Asian-African Conference discussed the problems of dependent peoples and colonialism and the evils arising from the subjection of peoples to alien subjugation, domination and exploitation. “The Conference was agreed: “(a) In declaring that colonialism in all its manifestations was an evil which should speedily be brought, to an end; “(b) In affirming that the subjection of peoples to alien subjugation, domination arid exploitation constitutes a denial of fundamental human rights, was contrary to the: Charter of the United Nations and was an impediment to the promotion of world peace p and co-operation; “(c) In declaring its support of the cause of freedom and independence for all such peoples, and “(d) In calling upon the Powers concerned to grant freedom and independence to such peoples. “In view of the unsettled situation in North Africa, and of the persisting denial to the peoples of North Africa of their right to self-determination, the Asian-African Conference declared its support of the rights of the people of Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia to self- determination and independence and urged the French Government to bring about a peaceful settlement of the issue without delay.”
125. The wound of North Africa continued, however, to go from bad to worse, the infection spread and deepened, until the whole ugly thing began nastily to smell and to scream more than it had ever done before, Conspicuous among the news that we had the misfortune to read in this regard was that which appeared on 24 June 1955, in which mention was made in a matter-of-fact way that some members of the great North-Atlantic Treaty Organization, which is plausibly considered by many to be the most powerful alliance which has ever existed, had given priority to France to obtain helicopters for combating the Algerians and had thus given expression to the solidarity among the members of that organization.
126. A fine solidarity, that, among the members of the mighty North Atlantic Treaty Organization! Solidarity for what? For the maintenance of colonialism and tyranny. And against what? Against the effort of the Algerians to regain their freedom. It was felt at the time that more disgraceful news could not be read anywhere or at any time. But even that modest hope was to be disappointed, and for some time now we have been reading of French armed forces belonging to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization being fully equipped and, in their hundreds of thousands, rushed to North Africa to accomplish the inglorious but luckily impossible feat of nipping its freedom in the bud. No wonder that some, even of the usually wide-throated capitals, found this a hard pill to swallow.
127. Then followed the letter addressed to Mr. Walter P. Reuther, President of the Congress of Industrial Organizations of the United States of America, by Mr. Robert Murphy, United States Deputy Undersecretary of State, in which he wrote: “In the absence of Secretary Dulles from the Department, your letter 19 August 1955 has been referred to me. Your letter states your conviction that, in making helicopters available to the Government of France for use in Algeria, the United States Government contradicts its own public statements of policy concerning our friendship for the peoples of the underdeveloped countries ... “… As your letter indicates, the decision to make helicopters of American manufacture available involves grave and difficult problems.” Mr. Murphy furthermore expressed the view that the NATO forces diverted to North Africa should be returned to Europe as soon as possible, and he added: “I share your belief in the importance of the United States attitude towards the aspirations of dependent peoples.”
128. I should like here to recall that, in dealing with human rights and self-determination, the Asian-African Conference expressed itself in the following terms: “The Asian-African Conference declared its full support of the fundamental principles of human rights as set forth in the Charter of the United Nations, and took note of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations. “The Conference declared its full support of the principle of self-determination of peoples and nations as set forth in the Charter of the United Nations, and took note of the United Nations resolutions on the rights of peoples and nations to self-determination, which is a prerequisite of the full enjoyment of all fundamental human rights.”
129. This sacred right of peoples and nations to self- determination was readily and fully taken note of by Egypt when, on 12 February 1953, it concluded with the United Kingdom the Agreement on the Sudan, in which it expressed its firm belief in the right of the Sudanese people to self-determination and the effective exercise thereof at the proper time and with the necessary safeguards. Egypt is doing and will continue to do everything it can to ensure for the Sudanese people, in pursuance of the Agreement, the proper atmosphere for expressing their wishes in full freedom, and it will not tolerate, condone or acquiesce in any interference with this freedom of expression.
130. In the light of this, and of the principles and ideals in which we profoundly believe, we feel both impelled and entitled to expect and insist that all the nations of the world be not denied the exercise of the right to self-determination, and that co-operation supersede domination whenever and wherever the choice has to be made between these two types of international relationships.
131. This applies in a particular way to the painful, backward and inhuman situations which prevail in the continent of Africa. No less than for all other subjugated peoples of the world, we claim for the non-self-governing peoples of Africa a recognition — actual, speedy and to the best interests of all without exception — of their right to self-determination.
132. The Secretary-General of the United Nations was perfectly right when, in his report to the present session of the General Assembly, he wrote: “... too little attention has been given to planning and study that may help the international community to meet the emerging problems of the continent of Africa in a spirit consonant with the aims of the Charter” [A/29U, p. xiii].
133. While speaking of self-determination and of human rights, one cannot but think of the Arab people of Palestine. With the same unanimity, the same deep conviction and the same straightforwardness with which the Conference of Bandung expressed itself on all other questions relating to the freedoms and the dignity of men, the Conference declared its support of the rights of this ancient and noble nation.
134. The motley hordes of invaders who came from many parts and formed the spearhead of world political Zionism thrust against the heart of the Arabs are still on the loose, defying both decency and law and, even until yesterday, have occupied still more lands and more positions to which they have no title whatsoever. This is their usual pattern of complete contempt and disdain for everything and everybody, United Nations and all. We never had, nor do we have now, any aggressive intentions against anyone; but we have not the slightest intention, either, to submit to aggression by anyone.
135. We who are Arabs who live in the Middle East and who see at closer range blood gushing until now from the heart of the Arab nation of Palestine, are firmly standing by the full and actual recognition of the rights of this nation; and we derive comfort and added courage in this respect from the rapidly swelling numbers of the righteous and the wise who rally to the standard of justice and decency, and whose eyes are no longer blinkered by the invaders insidious propaganda.
136. The Arabs of Palestine shall not for much longer submit either to living in the part of their country which is still occupied by the invaders and thus falling victims to discrimination and to genocide, or otherwise to living outside their homes in unfathomable suffering arid humiliation and at best being asked to sell their souls and the dearest things to them in life for a few pieces of silver and to carry their own cross to their doom. In truth, if Our generation is not to be stamped with everlasting shame, the Arabs of Palestine must live again in dignity and in the enjoyment of human rights. No amount of clever and deceptive eloquence, no process of mental prestidigitation, no acrobatics of argumentation, no manoeuvres, no temptations and no threats — none of all this — can hide the stark reality about Palestine, or deflect us from our unflinching resolve to see that justice, unequivocal and undiluted justice, be clone by its lawful people. We merely want that the Arab people of Palestine be given their rights. No more; but no less.
137. Among the most serious breaches of the Charter figure conspicuously the extremes to which the protagonists of race discrimination have gone. The resolution adopted in this connexion by the Bandung Conference reads as follows: “The Asian-African Conference deplored the policies and practices of racial segregation and discrimination which formed the basis of government and human relations in large regions of Africa and in other parts of the world. Such conduct is not only a gross violation of human rights, but also a denial of the fundamental values of civilization and the dignity of man. “The Conference extended its warm sympathy and support for the courageous stand taken by the victims of racial discrimination, especially by the peoples of African and Indian and Pakistani origin in South Africa; applauded all those who sustained their cause; reaffirmed the determination of Asian-African peoples to eradicate every trace of racialism that might exist in their own countries; and pledged itself to use its full moral influence to guard against the danger of falling victims to the same evil in their struggle to eradicate it.”
138. I have referred already in my present statement to some of the unfortunate results which have followed upon the constant differences between the two big blocs. I ask leave to mention some of the other results which have followed upon these differences. The shutting until today of the door of the United Nations in the face of 21 applicants, practically all of whom are worthy of membership in this Organization, is a regrettable matter to the extreme, and has obviously nothing to do with the stipulations and the spirit of the Charter, but has everything to do with manoeuvring for position.
139. In connexion with this question of membership in the United Nations, Egypt particularly regrets the denial of this membership to its Arab sister States, Jordan and Libya; and it' earnestly hopes that soon not only these States but also all other worthy applicants will be admitted to membership and allowed scope for making the great contributions which undoubtedly they will be able to make and which are direly needed for the work and the revitalizing of this Organization.
140. The same thing may be said about the control of armaments stipulated for in Article 26 of the Charter and the application of the provisions of Article 43 and other related Articles of the Charter. We also earnestly hope that all the other obstacles and the rivalries which beset the road to putting the Charter fully into effect will soon be removed. This would be infinitely better and would be looked upon as a more serious and more responsible action than trying to amend the Charter without having gone even a reasonable part of the way towards the application of its excellent Articles and stipulations.
141. It will be a festive day indeed when, in connexion with such vital matters as membership, control of armaments and agreement on forces to be put at the disposal of the United Nations, the stipulations of the Charter which we already have are put into force. It will be an equally festive day when nuclear and thermo-nuclear weapons are prohibited and the new and great sources of energy exclusively used for peaceful purposes, when the bulk of weapons of mass destruction are effectively brought under control, and when co-operation in the economic and cultural fields is better guided and more intensified. All this would be more on the positive and constructive side of international life, more like the Charter of the United Nations, than Running after amendments and embellishments. For our part, we would much rather have a living Charter which is not amended than even an amended Charter which is not living.
142. After more than ten years from the day the Charter and the United Nations saw the light, we have yet in real deeds and not in mere words — lam quoting from the preamble of the Charter — “to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small”. I would have been spared the necessity of saying much of what I have said today were they honoured, were they put into effect.
143. May the coming years see its all better inspired and more resolved, and blessed throughout them with a good harvest, a copious harvest of worthy deeds.