Yemen

It gives me pleasure to begin my remarks by congratulating Mr. Ping on the vote of confidence represented by his election as President of the current session of the Assembly. Given his wisdom and organizational skills, I am confident that he will be able to lead our deliberations successfully. Thus, his positive input will further enhance the stature and effectiveness of the United Nations at a time of profound and unprecedented transformation on the world scene. I wish also to commend the efforts and wisdom of his predecessor for his remarkable stewardship. Furthermore, Mr. Kofi Annan, the Secretary-General, deserves our gratitude for his persistent efforts to live up to the demands of his office in the face of complex and daunting challenges and surprises. Undoubtedly, the events of the past two years — specifically from the period prior to and after the occupation of Iraq — have shown clearly that, in today’s world, unilateralism in determining international action inevitably leads to the proliferation of hotbeds of tension, in addition to jeopardizing international peace and security. At the same time, those events have further demonstrated the relevance of multilateralism in global decision-making through international institutions, especially this world body. Given that the United Nations represents a superior form of multilateralism, because it brings together Member States to address common concerns over the maintenance of collective security and to face universal challenges, it is only logical that we all should join together to protect it against marginalization and to safeguard and strengthen its role. Thus, we should not allow the will of one Power, or of a certain group of Powers, to direct the actions of the United Nations system or permit it to be used to advance their agenda without regard for the wishes and interests of the rest of the membership. A case in point, in our view, is the need to reconsider the decision-making process in the Security Council, its composition and membership. The realities of our contemporary world and the imperatives of 38 global security, which is indivisible, must be fully taken into consideration in any review exercise. No single State or group of States can alone guarantee global security or assume the responsibility of that undertaking without active participation by other States. In addition, decisions that are not in line with international law, the Charter of the United Nations or the view of the majority of the membership should be vehemently opposed. As this session coincides with the third anniversary of the 11 September tragedy, once again the Republic of Yemen reaffirms its commitment to fight extremism and terrorism within the framework established and led by the United Nations. Yemen, for its part, has made great progress in combating terrorism and terrorists. The most recent achievement involved defeating a group that had rebelled against the Constitution and the rule of law in the Sa’dah region in Yemen. Those rebels had resorted to terrorism in order to achieve their goals. Their terrorist acts harmed innocent civilians and disrupted security and stability in the area. The Government of Yemen, while fully responsible for the safety and security of its citizens and the homeland, remains faithful to its international commitment to combat terrorism. Our conviction is that terrorism has no specific identity or particular religion. The struggle for national liberation or to end foreign occupation is a legitimate right under the Charter of the United Nations, international law and the basic principles of justice and human rights. Such a struggle can therefore not be treated as terrorism. In addition, Yemen’s experience in combating terrorism has taught us that in order effectively to battle terrorism, all possible resources must be deployed, including its root causes, dialogue, the promotion of development and justice, in addition to good security and intelligence work. Yemen is a strong believer in the United Nations. However, we believe that, despite all the efforts made by the dynamic Secretariat of this great institution, the gaps between rich and poor countries are widening. That is partly due to current economic policies that strengthen the dominance of wealthy nations over poor countries. Today more than ever we need to examine in earnest the imbalances in international economic relations. The first step we expect in this regard is the fulfilment by wealthier nations of the pledges and undertakings announced in their initiatives for achieving economic balance between the rich and the poor. Failure to do so, as I presume all of us recognize, would deepen the sense of bitterness felt by the poor countries. It might also breed extremism and violence to which no country would be immune. In that context, the Government of the Republic of Yemen believes that the recognition by the leaders of the Group of Eight industrial nations that the consolidation of peace in the Middle East and the promotion of economic growth and political development through a process of overall development in all countries of the region — as outlined in the G-8 declaration adopted at their most recent Summit in Sea Island, Georgia, United States — represents a very significant statement and a positive strategic challenge of interest to us and to the international community in general. It is indeed a challenge, because this long- overdue vision seeks to correct a chronic anomaly. It is also a challenge because of its positive implications and the shift in focus it can bring in favour of global stability and international peace and security once that abstract concept is translated into concrete and meaningful steps on the ground. That will require genuine partnerships and the abandoning of policies of coercion. Proceeding from these convictions, Yemen welcomed that initiative and agreed to participate in the G-8 Sea Island Summit for two reasons: first, because that vision is in line with our national plan for reform, and, secondly, because we welcome any partnership between Arab States, the European Union, the United States of America and the world at large that enhances our development and stability and contributes to the fight against terrorism. The commitment of my Government to build a better future for the people of Yemen and the people of our region has prompted us to institute numerous economic and political reforms, broaden popular involvement in governance, and strengthen our partnership with other countries and entities. This was highlighted in the Sana’a Declaration on Democracy, Human Rights and the Role of the International Criminal Court, adopted earlier this year at the Sana’a Intergovernmental Regional Conference. 39 A number of other countries, represented by their Governments, Parliaments and civil society, regional and international organizations, took part in that forum. The Forum was organized in response to reform initiatives that came from the Governments and peoples of the region. It stressed that good democratic governance and respect for human rights require full mobilization of the energies and potential of civil society. They also require interaction among all stakeholders, with a sense of responsibility and partnership with Governments, and support from outside the region, in order to use overall development as a vehicle towards stability, progress and movement on the road towards democracy and overall human development. No one can ignore the great achievements made by our Organization in promoting peace, security and welfare over the course of its rich history. But one should, by the same token, admit that it has failed to resolve numerous conflicts that have endangered, and continue to endanger, the security and stability of many nations and peoples. Foremost among these dangers is the Arab-Israeli conflict. Certainly, the United Nations has failed to put an end to ongoing Israeli aggression against the Palestinian people and to Israel’s repeated threats against Arab countries. Also, there are many trouble spots and areas of conflict across the globe that the United Nations must address effectively if we want international peace and security to prevail. The position of the Republic of Yemen regarding the question of Palestine is abundantly clear. It is based on the principles laid out by the Quartet in the road map, and on those contained in the Arab Peace Initiative. This Initiative calls for the establishment of a State of Palestine with full sovereignty over its territory and with Jerusalem as its capital; Israel’s withdrawal from all Arab territories occupied since 4 June 1967; and the return of refugees to their homes. All along, Yemen has maintained that peace in the Middle East will elude us as long as Israel is allowed to manoeuvre and circumvent United Nations resolutions. We also believe that Israel will not accept the aforesaid solutions unless a Security Council resolution is adopted with a view to imposing a solution on Israel that includes an enforcement mechanism. Contrary to our hopes, the entire question has become even more intractable and difficult to comprehend, especially given the use of the veto power against any proposed resolution that would force Israel to implement United Nations resolutions. This has encouraged Israel to persist in constructing the racially-based separation wall, which aggravates the suffering of the Palestinian people and is taking away sizeable tracts of their remaining land, in defiance of global consensus and of the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ). We wish to emphasize here that, as recent events have demonstrated, the wall cannot guarantee security to Israel. Israel’s genuine security could be achieved if it were to accept the road map and commit itself to implementing relevant United Nations resolutions. We demand that the Security Council ensure the physical safety of the Palestinian President, Yasser Arafat, provide protection for the Palestinian people against Israeli state-sponsored terrorism, and show respect for the wishes and the will of the Palestinian people. In addition, Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Syrian and Lebanese territories is an integral part of any Middle East peace initiative. I wish to recall in this regard that the Arab Peace Initiative represents an Arab consensus for the resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Furthermore, my Government considers inadmissible the threats that the Israeli military machine fires against sister Syria and against Iran from time to time. This represents irresponsible provocation that exacerbates the already tense situation in the region. The timing of these threats further fuels violence and frustrates peace endeavours aimed at finding a just and negotiated settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict. They also represent an attempt by the Israeli Government to distract attention from its failure to ensure security for its citizens. The time has come for Israel to recognize that its stability and acceptance by countries of the region will remain unfulfilled unless it implements the road map and relevant United Nations resolutions, and withdraws from the occupied Arab territories in Palestine, the Golan and the Shab’a farms. In the same context, I wish to affirm my country’s support for United Nations efforts regarding the convening of a disarmament conference which aims, inter alia, at the establishment of the Middle East region as a zone free of weapons of mass destruction. To this end, Israel must accede to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. 40 The current violence in Iraq, and the violation of human rights and bloodshed of our Iraqi brothers is an inevitable outcome of an invasion. Thus, it is incumbent upon the United Nations to fulfil its role, as set forth in relevant resolutions, regarding the need to provide support to Iraq with a view to restoring peace and stability throughout the country. The interim Iraqi Government should be empowered to exercise full sovereignty in order to lead Iraq towards holding democratic elections and forming a constitutional Government that represents the will of the Iraqi people, restores law and order and puts an end to the occupation of the country. The tragic situation unfolding today in Iraq, in the wake of the downfall of Saddam Hussein’s regime, has resulted in terrorism, violations and chaos, which all of us can see. That situation may take Iraq down a slippery slope of sectarian violence and conflict which, in turn, will threaten the unity and future of Iraq. Yemen believes that all of us should assist and support the interim Government in Iraq and the national and legislative councils to overcome the current critical transitional stage in accordance with Security Council resolution 1546 (2004), with a view toward safeguarding the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Iraq. Also, we must ensure that the forthcoming period leading to parliamentary elections and the formation of a national Government will reflect the will of the Iraqi people without external interference. All effort should be made to develop and define political solutions for the complex situation, and to provide to the interim Government all it may need in order to achieve a successful outcome. Priority should be given to enabling the Iraqi Government to start the process of national reconciliation, ensuring the participation of all factions and political groups in defining the future of Iraq and closing the annals of the past. We also call for an end to violence against civilians, as well as excessive military reactions by the occupation forces, which victimize innocent civilians and lead to further destruction, pushing moderates towards extremism. In view of Yemen’s sense of fraternal responsibility towards Iraq, we submitted to the last Arab summit in Tunis, an initiative conceived on the basis of a set of firm principles set forth in United Nations resolutions. In essence, the initiative contained guiding principles for assisting the brotherly people of Iraq to overcome their current crisis. It also called for setting timelines to link efforts to restore security and stability with ending of the occupation. In the meantime, Yemen supports any Arab or international endeavour that might help Iraq move safely to achieve peace, stability and national unity. My country believes that national reconciliation based on dialogue and national unity is a viable path toward settling the long-running dispute and conflict in Somalia. Therefore, we congratulate the Somali leaders on the progress they have so far achieved within the framework of the reconciliation process. At the same time, we call upon all warring factions in Somalia to build on that success and to put the highest national interests of Somalia ahead of their own agendas. Yemen, which has played a leading role in promoting national reconciliation in Somalia, calls upon the United Nations and the international community to assume fully and effectively their responsibilities in order to bring about peace and security in Somalia. The Yemeni Government appreciates the current efforts being made to assist the national reconciliation talks in Somalia to reach a successful outcome, that is the formation of a consultative council, election of a President for the country, and formation of an interim Government that will lead Somalia towards drafting a new constitution and setting up a democratic system of government. Yemen, of course, will align itself with the good offices of the Governments of Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya, and supported by the European Union and the United States, to promote reconciliation. The Republic of Yemen has been closely following the humanitarian situation in the Darfur province of sisterly Sudan. I wish to underline here the decisions adopted by the Council of Arab Foreign Ministers, which met at the headquarters of the Arab League early last August. That meeting was also attended by the head of the African Union Commission and the Foreign Minister of Nigeria representing President Obasanjo of Nigeria — the current Chairman of the African Union. We wish also to reaffirm the decisions adopted in this regard by the Council of Arab Foreign Ministers in its regular session on 14 and 15 September. Those decisions reflected the joint Arab-African position regarding the situation in Darfur. They affirmed the need to address the matter within the African Arab framework. They also rejected all attempts to create a rift in Arab-African relations and stressed that there was no hard evidence of genocide. Furthermore, the meeting underlined the responsibility 41 of the Government of the Sudan for maintaining security and stability, providing protection for its citizens and disarming all militias in the region. The success of the Sudanese Government in achieving those goals will depend on the degree of international support and humanitarian relief assistance provided to it. All external parties must also refrain from interfering in the internal affairs of the Sudan. The Government of the Sudan must assume its responsibility for deploying its forces so as to ensure security, provide protection for all of its citizens and confront all of the armed groups responsible for the crisis. In the meantime, all the logistical support needed by the Government of Sudan should be provided by the African Union and Arab States with a view to achieving those objectives. The Sudan’s response to relevant Security Council resolutions, including the steps it has begun to take, clearly demonstrate its genuine commitment to its undertakings. Furthermore, we call on the United Nations, especially the Security Council, to address the issue on the basis of an accurate assessment of the situation in Darfur which obviously has begun to improve. We must avoid favouring one side at the expense of the other. We should also shift our focus to address the humanitarian situation without regard to political considerations or motives. All of the parties to the Darfur dispute, including the Government of the Sudan, should be urged to participate constructively and unconditionally in peace talks, with a view to achieving a just solution to the crisis. Any attempt to use blackmail or to exploit events to the advantage of the rebel groups must be rejected. Any party that violates its commitments, as verified by a neutral security monitoring mechanism, should be held accountable. The Government of the Republic of Yemen stresses that threatening or imposing a unilateral boycott or economic sanctions, as practised against some Member States, would constitute an explicit violation of the principles of international law — regardless of the fact that such practices have failed on the ground in more than one case. Indeed, sanctions and boycotts aggravate the suffering of innocent civilians and lead to the escalation of hostilities. My country supports the call by the United Nations to end unilateral measures, and it affirms the need to promote a culture of dialogue and understanding, even when dealing with controversial issues. That should, indeed, be the rational and civilized approach that all of us should pursue in resolving our disputes and mending our relationships. Finally, my delegation wishes the General Assembly every success as it endeavours to fulfil its mandate during this session, with a view to reinforcing our common action to promote peace, security and welfare for all. It is our hope that the ongoing reform of the United Nations will achieve the long-awaited objectives, including equitable representation in the Security Council. That would enhance the Council’s effectiveness and credibility and enable it to adapt better to the constantly changing landscape of international relations. I take this opportunity to reaffirm that the Republic of Yemen will support any efforts aimed at strengthening the role of the United Nations and enhancing its credibility, safeguarding the sovereignty and will of its Member States and pooling our energies to create a better future for humankind.