May I be permitted to congratulate the General Assembly on its choice of a President for the fifth session. It is a matter of gratification to my delegation that the deliberations of this crucial session will be controlled and guided by so distinguished a representative of a country with which we have long-standing and intimate ties of culture, faith and friendship. You are aware, Mr. President, in what high esteem and affection I have always held you, and I repeat the prayer that I uttered to you when the choice of the Assembly became known: that God, of His grace, continue to bless you with the strength needed for the discharge of your high responsibilities and rightly guide your judgment at every step.
156. We are met at a time of crisis. Grave events wait upon our words, upon our deeds. What we say and what we do here may turn out to have been pregnant with destiny.
157. Humanity has during our generation been astir with strange yearnings: mankind has felt itself uplifted through glimpses of heavenly visions; it has seen its hopes dashed in nightmares of despair. Which shall be ushered in, become a reality and prevail — the visions or the nightmares? We and those whom we represent are the instruments through which the consummation will be achieved or the ruin compassed. We carry heavy responsibilities; we have been called upon to pronounce on momentous issues. It is true that the decisions here rest mainly with the big Powers, but not altogether. On occasion a solitary voice charged with truth and sincerity may serve to avert a calamity. Passion or prejudice may, on the other hand, push us, and with us all those whose hopes are fixed on us, over the brink of disaster.
158. It behooves us, therefore — every one of us — to think, if not along lines of loftiness and serenity, at least along those of sanity; and to tread, if not paths of wisdom, at least those of circumspection. If we cannot at once soar to the sunlit heights, let us at least safeguard ourselves against being hurled into the dark abysses.
159. Mankind is on the march; it may be guided but it will not be stayed. Are we competent to furnish the guidance? A new order is struggling to be born. Can we provide the skill that is needed to ensure its safe and healthy birth? A new heaven and a new earth have been decreed. Are we ready to assume the responsibilities of becoming their architects and builders? If the answers are in the affirmative, then let us cast out all fear and step out boldly and with courage along the paths of high endeavour and beneficial achievement, ready and willing cheerfully and joyously to render in the fullest measure all that may be required from each of us to make man’s existence upon earth progressively fuller, healthier and happier than in each preceding stage. Surely that is the task that confronts us, and that in plain language is the object that we have been organized together to achieve. All the rest is but the means to this end; even the preservation and maintenance of international peace is but a means towards this end.
160. The first realization that is needed — and it will bear reiteration — is that mankind is one. Everything that calls that fundamental in question or is in conflict with it is based on falsehood and must be speedily set right and brought into accord with it. This applies to all spheres, spiritual, moral, social, economic, political. So long as any such conflict remains unresolved, all beneficent effort will be obstructed and end in frustration.
161. With regard to our economic conflicts, the basic reality here is that we must eliminate want, exposure and sickness. A man who is hungry, ill-clad, exposed or disease-ridden will not long cherish ambition or sustain hope and will soon become desperate. He will fall an easy prey to disorders and diseases of the mind, intellect and spirit that destroy more widely and effectively than hunger and disease of the body.
162. I shall not here enter upon a comparison of competing economic “isms” and ideologies. For my present purpose it is needless to institute any such comparison. The result is well expressed in the homely aphorism, “the proof of the pudding is in the eating”. Call a system what you will, give it any name you please, mankind is bound ultimately to adopt that which fulfils its needs and is beneficent in its operation. Let us, therefore, make all speed towards fulfilling those needs as beneficently as we may be capable of, lest ambition flicker out, hope die and man in his desperation seek release from suffering in ruin and annihilation,
163. In this connexion we must not forget that each of us, individuals as well as nations, is a trustee in respect of every gift that has been bestowed upon us, whether that gift be of the spirit, of the intellect, of physical prowess, material resources or other talents, treasures and possessions. The only beneficent exploitation of these gifts is to spend them in and devote them to the service of mankind.
164. I am not, of course, forgetful of all that this great Organization has undertaken and is projecting to that end; nor am I unmindful of the generous efforts and offers made by this great country in various spheres and regions. I fully appreciate all this and gratefully acknowledge it. I endorse every word said in that connexion by Secretary of State Acheson in his speech here the other day. But what I desire to stress is that the economic crisis is as clamant and urgent as the political crisis; indeed the former lies at the root of the latter. What is needed and can alone prove adequate is action on a generous — I might almost say — on an extravagant, a prodigal, scale. Nothing short of this will avail. If properly applied, assistance of this kind will prove a blessing both to him who gives and to him who receives. Every one of us can in some respect or the other be both a giver and a receiver. The greater number of our projects have, however, not yet proceeded beyond the stage of programmes and planning. These are, of course, essential, but the pace must be speeded up lest the patient expire while the diagnosis is in progress and the remedy is still undetermined.
165. In the political sphere there are many danger spots, each threatening the maintenance of international peace, but the gravest of these threats proceeds at the moment from Korea. The elements of the Korean conflict appear to us to be clear and to admit of no controversy. Resolutions 112(II), 195(III) and 293(IV) of the General Assembly dealing with Korea were directed towards the establishment of a united, sovereign, independent Korea. The Assembly set up a Commission for the achievement of that purpose. It was North Korea that withstood and obstructed every effort in that direction. The Commission was thus compelled to confine its activities to South Korea. A sovereign government based on the freely expressed wishes of the people was there set up which was recognized as such by the United Nations. The Commission had certified the withdrawal of occupation forces. A second election had been held and the government formed thereafter was busy putting its economic and political affairs in order when North Korea embarked upon its campaign of aggression against South Korea. What has since transpired is clear proof of the fact that this campaign must have been preceded by long and careful preparation and was not the outcome of a chance or casual collision or conflict.
166. In these circumstances the duty of the Security Council was clear, and for the first time in its history the Council gave an immediate and a bold reply to the challenge, so grave and impudent, to the authority, nay, to the very existence of the United Nations. The Assembly will recall that the Government of Pakistan was among the very first to announce its support of the Security Council action, through the mouth of the Prime Minister of Pakistan, who was then recovering from a serious operation in a hospital in Boston.
167. The attitude of the Security Council vis-a-vis the Korean conflict has been contrasted with its dilatory and ineffective handling of other situations of a more or less similar character. We too have noted that contrast. But the fact that Security Council action in other cases has not been so speedy, so vigorous or so forceful makes us not less but more appreciative of the assumption by the Security Council of its proper role in the case of Korea, and strengthens the hope that this welcome recognition and acceptance of its responsibilities by the Council will prove an earnest of its resolve to discharge its responsibilities more vigorously and effectively in respect of other problems on its agenda also.
168. I have referred to other danger spots. Some of them are prominently present to our minds. Kashmir is an instance. Sir Owen Dixon, United Nations representative, has just submitted his report to the Security Council. Unfortunately, it records the failure of his mission. I have no doubt, however, that the Security Council will take up the question at an early date and pursue its consideration with speed and vigour so as to determine and prescribe the method by which the parties can be brought and, if necessary, constrained to carry out what they have agreed to do, namely, to accept and bring about the conditions which will ensure the holding of a free and impartial plebiscite to enable the people of Kashmir to determine whether the State shall accede to Pakistan or to India.
169. But there are other danger spots, though most of them are not yet in eruption. The fatality is that effective action is delayed till an eruption takes place. I have in mind all Non-Self-Governing Territories. What is called for is active effort and sustained action both on the part of the Organization and what are called colonial Powers to push forward the setting up of all these peoples and territories as independent sovereign States. No doubt the preparatory period will differ in each case, but what is needed is decision and determination on the part of the governing authority voluntarily to speed up the process of equipment and preparation and, where necessary, even of persuasion, prompting and incitement towards independence. The subordination of one people to another is an illness afflicting both the dominant and the servient peoples of which both must cure themselves as speedily as possible. It is also a temptation, almost an invitation, towards aggression, which must be eliminated as fast as conditions make it possible.
170. Colonialism has already been one of the major factors leading to the two world wars. It is now imperative that the people of these territories should become convinced that in each case the colonial Power concerned is keen, eager and anxious to speed them on towards complete independence. This conviction alone can create that sense of confidence which would guarantee the peace and security of these territories.
171. The frustration that the Security Council and the United Nations have experienced in the handling by the Council of the Korean and other problems has induced Secretary of State Acheson to sponsor a set of proposals designed to strengthen the General Assembly in dealing with problems of security. The Assembly will recall that this is not the first step that has been proposed in that direction. The Interim Committee was also set up with the same object. We are constrained to observe that that experiment has failed to justify itself. These proposals, however, are of a much more far-reaching character. It is obvious if the United Nations is to achieve the objects and purposes for which it has been set up, it must be enabled to function effectively. In far too many instances has its action been impeded, obstructed or rendered ineffective by recourse to procedural devices and tactics. Anything that is designed to enable the Organization to function more speedily and effectively deserves and will receive our earnest and sympathetic consideration.
172. I shall now proceed to comment on two or three specific matters by way of illustration to show where, in our view, the United Nations action or approach has not been calculated to promote understanding and stimulate co-operation.
173. The first of these, namely, the question of China’s representation, has already been the subject of debate during this session. That debate caused us deep disappointment, not because we found ourselves in the minority, for that is a situation in which each of us may in turn find himself — and indeed, a minority may as often be in the wrong as it may be in the right but because in the course of the debate we could discern little inclination to face the question at issue, and even less to reason it out. There was noticeable much oratory and great vehemence but in most cases the height of the oratory and the degree of the vehemence served merely to emphasize the absence of relevance. There was throughout a sustained appeal to sentiment, but this is exactly the type of question that needs to be dispassionately _ examined and impartially determined. The issues arising out of it must not be permitted to be obscured by sentiment.
174. First, let me attempt to clear the ground by stating that the determination of the question has no reference to personalities, and even ideologies. Were that not soothe question would present little difficulty from our point of view. Our own contacts and relations have, until lately, been all with the Kuomintang. I had the honour of being selected, in the middle of the war, as India’s first diplomatic representative to China. In that capacity. I was the recipient of many gracious kindnesses from Generalissimo and Madame Chiang Kai-shek, Mayor K. C. Wu, now Governor of Formosa, and many other dignitaries of the Nationalist Government. I have known Mr. T. F. Tsiang all these years and have always held him in the highest esteem on account of his sterling qualities and lofty character. The dignity with which he has continued to sustain his very difficult role during these last few months compels my admiration. But these are not considerations on the basis of which the issue with which we are faced has to be resolved.
175. Equally irrelevant are considerations bearing upon the character and composition of the Peking Government. Much stress has been sought to be laid on whether that government is peace-loving or not, and whether it is able and willing to discharge the obligations contained in the Charter. This is the language of Article 4 of the Charter itself, but those who have sought to base themselves upon it appear to forget that Article 4 relates to the admission of new Members and not to the validity of representation, with which alone we are here concerned. China is not applying for admission to the United Nations. It is a Member State, a permanent member of the Security Council, one of the Big Five.
176. I do venture to submit that whether it is peace-loving or not peace-loving, whether it is willing or not willing to discharge the obligations contained in the Charter, it is entitled as of right to be represented in the United Nations like every other Member State, until it is — a contingency that might apply to every other State also — expelled in accordance with the provisions of the Charter.
177. The sole question is: who is entitled to represent China, a Member State, in the Assembly? What are the undisputed, incontrovertible facts bearing upon that question? The government from which the delegation present here purports to draw its authority has for months ceased to exercise jurisdiction over any portion of the Chinese mainland. The struggle for supremacy in China between the two contending Chinese governments has come to an end. The status of the island of Formosa, where the Nationalist Government is now based, is itself the subject matter of determination, as witness the question placed upon the agenda at the instance of the United States delegation. In these circumstances, can it be pretended that it is the Nationalist Government that effectively represents China, in other words, the Chinese people? Or can it be denied that the Peking Government does in fact represent them?
178. I have said that ability and willingness to discharge the obligations contained in the Charter are not a factor relevant to the issue before us. But, assuming for a moment that it were, where would it lead us? It has been argued that there is an apprehension that the Peking Government would not be willing to discharge those obligations. Even if that were to be conceded — and it is no more than an assumption — can it be denied that that government is certainly able to discharge those obligations were it so willing, and that its willingness is a matter of its own choice, which it is free at any time to make? As against this, however willing the Nationalist Government may be, it must be admitted that it has lost the ability to assume or discharge those obligations on behalf of and in respect of the people of China and that this lack of ability cannot be remedied at its own choice.
179. The truth of the matter is that the General Assembly is unwilling to concede the existence of a fact, not because the fact has not been established but because the majority regard it as unpleasant. It is easy to conceive what the verdict would have been had the position been reversed, and it is this reflection that is so disquieting. Instances have not been wanting in the past — and I need not further particularize the matter — where a State declared, while its application for admission was pending, that not only was it not willing but that it was determined not to carry out the obligations incumbent upon it under the Charter — the obligations which were the very foundations of that State being brought into being — and in the face of such a declaration, that State was admitted to membership,
180. This question of the representation of China is important in itself, but it is even more important as indicating the chances that the gulf that at present divides some of the great Powers and prevents understanding between them may be bridged at an early date. The consequences of this gulf widening or remaining unbridged would be vast and incalculable and are terrifying to contemplate. There may yet be time, through a sober and realistic approach towards this and other cognate problems, to avert the deadlock which threatens to overtake the functioning of the United Nations Organization. We humbly and earnestly plead for such an approach.
181. The second instance that I have in mind is the deadlock that already exists and has for some time now existed over the admission of new Members. This is another problem in respect of which a fresh effort should be made so that a way may be found of moving forward. Is there not a single applicant from among those who have hitherto been blocked, or, perhaps, at least one from each side, which may be regarded as fulfilling the conditions laid down in Article 4, and whose admission may be recommended by the Security Council as a token of the fact that the permanent members of the Security Council are now prepared to move forward in respect of this question on some reasonable basis?
182. The third instance I have in mind is the treatment to which Spain has, from the very inception this Organization, been subjected. Four years ago the Assembly adopted resolution 39(I) barring Spain from membership of the Organization and from participation in its activities, and calling upon Member States to withdraw diplomatic representation from Spain. From almost the moment that Pakistan became a Member of the Organization, it raised a voice of protest against that resolution. To say the least, that resolution ignored realities. At its worst, it was capable of causing grave mischief. In any case it is incomprehensible what the object of that resolution was. Was it penal — to inflict some penalty upon Spain for having accepted its present regime? Or was it reformatory — passed in the hope that the moment the people of Spain learned of the resolution they would rise in revolt against that regime and set it aside? At the most it could but have been passed in some such hope, but no consequences of that kind have flowed from it. The General Assembly passed the resolution and the walls of Madrid did not fall.
183. Where do we stand today? The object of this Organization is to achieve, at as early a date as possible, universality in respect of its membership, and almost one of the first things that it does after it has been set up is to bar a particular great country from membership for reasons which, whether they were good, bad or indifferent, had all emerged before the Organization itself came into being.
184. Here are two outstanding matters which must be taken into consideration. However objectionable from the point of view of some Member States its character and composition may have been, that regime remained neutral during the_ war, when it was well known and fully realized that if it intervened at all it would intervene on the wrong side. That position could not have been maintained without a great deal of courage and a great deal of difficulty. Surely it required some appreciation on the part at least of those who were anxious to maintain and safeguard international peace?
185. Since its establishment, that regime has been guilty of no aggression against anyone. Surely, again, that is a record which might gain some appreciation from an Organization charged with the duty of maintaining peace and pledged to the maintenance of peace? In the meantime, what has been the fate of the resolution itself? Numerous breaches and contraventions have driven holes through the resolution, which must, ultimately, tend only to weaken the authority of this Organization.
186. When action is taken in haste and in the grip of emotion or sentiment, results of that kind are bound to follow. We would again plead that all these and similar questions be approached from a sober and realistic point of view. When a mistake has been made, we should be ready and — when we realize it — anxious to undo such a mistake.
187. I have used these as illustrations. In all these instances, the Government of Pakistan has acted not in accordance with its likes and dislikes, accepting and supporting the pleasant and agreeable and rejecting and opposing the unpleasant and disagreeable, but in accordance with what we conceive to be the spirit of the Charter and inspired by the single-minded desire to promote international understanding and co-operation. I am here once again to reaffirm that Pakistan will continue pledged to that course.