Djibouti

The protracted period of tension that the international community is currently experiencing underscores the need for greater cooperation and commitment. It is fortunate, therefore, that during the past year the General Assembly benefited from the capable guidance of President Julian Hunte. The wealth of experience of his successor, Mr. Jean Ping, together with his great diplomatic acumen and insight, lead us to feel confident that he is in the right place at the right time. We pay tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for the exemplary manner in which he has promoted the United Nations and maintained and increased its relevance for the most critical issues of the day. The degree to which the United Nations is consulted on and participates in pivotal events and the resolution of crises throughout the world is a tribute to Mr. Annanís selfless dedication to the Organization. He is also to be commended for the closer working relationship that he has been able to foster with the private sector and civil society through the global compact, with the aim of offering help and expertise to needy communities and young people. As the Secretary-General stated in his most recent report on the work of the Organization, the United Nations ó indeed, the world ó has had a very difficult and challenging year. Many of us have been traumatized by terrorism, by the brutal acts of repression that are taking place in many parts of the world and by the tense situation and developments in Iraq. For the majority of the worldís people, however, the most immediate threats are those of hunger, poverty, lack of drinking water, environmental degradation and endemic or infectious diseases, including HIV/AIDS and malaria. Overall, the Secretary-General notes that we have departed considerably from the vision and spirit of the Millennium Declaration of 2000, which embodied the 14 aspirations of our time: a world united by common values, with the primary goal of providing better living conditions for humanity, in an environment of peace and security. Unfortunately, as the Secretary-General notes, events related to terrorism have shaken our sense of common purpose. The tragedy of 11 September 2001, the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the ongoing bloodshed in the Middle East and other disturbing incidents throughout the world have profoundly divided the international community about how to ensure our collective security. While we have seen many examples of State terrorism, terrorism has become essentially stateless and nebulous in nature, and is able to spread without regard to borders or nationalities. Although there is no disputing the fact that terrorism must be confronted promptly and vigorously, the knee-jerk reaction of attempting to crush it militarily fails to address its many manifestations or get to its root causes. We must pay special heed to our prejudices and fears as we endeavour to resolve difficult political problems that may have been building for decades. We must also accept that terrorism is not a faith or an ideology. It may well be a tactic or a strategy of last resort on the part of those who view themselves, their faith, their beliefs or their physical environment as endangered. While we must act resolutely in confronting acts of terrorism, to do so precipitately, without examining the underlying causes, could prove destructive or even fatal. No one should excuse the brutal and heinous crimes that are being committed in so many places today, but we must acknowledge that the situation requires us to find a solution. The international community is threatened by the instability that this phenomenon entails. We must not underestimate the importance of realistic foreign and development policies directed at resolving tensions and reducing poverty. We must find a way to bring the world together to reconcile differences and eliminate reasons for misunderstanding. The words and thoughts of the late American President, Franklin D. Roosevelt, are relevant here. For him, security meant not only safety from attack by outside aggressors, but also economic, social and moral security. As he said, essential to such a peace is a decent standard of living for all individuals, for freedom from fear is eternally linked with freedom from want. We are all aware of the commitments we made at the Millennium Summit in 2000. The critical needs and ills confronting mankind were identified at that Summit, and we committed to resolving them in various ways and according to a specific timetable. The eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) represent a worldwide quest to eliminate poverty and hunger while improving health care, education and the environment. Sadly, an evaluation of progress towards reaching these goals by the target dates reveals that we are making erratic progress. A recent study in Geneva found that the world is scarcely making a third of the effort necessary to achieve these modest targets. In particular, the eighth goal, which calls for a global partnership of rich and poor countries for development, envisioned a substantial increase in official development assistance (ODA), a reduction or cancellation of debts, the removal of protectionist barriers for agricultural products and free access to the markets of the industrialized countries. Needless to say, progress on this goal has been limited. It is the only goal lacking a deadline or timetable and is hampered by the apparent reluctance of developed countries to keep their commitments. Of the 50 least developed countries (LDCs), 34 are in Africa. Although five or six African countries are close to transitioning, only one has successfully made a smooth transition. Attempts to mobilize domestic resources through the private sector will require more time and funds. Low levels of savings and investment rates testify to the huge decline in resources needed for development. Undoubtedly, there is an urgent need to continually increase development assistance to this group of countries. Africa's need for development assistance has created the impression that the continent is a major financial burden to the international community. In fact, while Africa is disproportionately aid-dependent, it does not receive a disproportionate amount of aid. Overall, as things stand, LDCs will not be able to reduce poverty, achieve universal primary education or reverse the spread of HIV/AIDS by 2015. A report by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) describes LDCsí woeful deficits in savings dedicated to growth, public investment and essential services. The report also states that the conclusion is unequivocal and that on 15 the basis of domestic resources alone, LDCs cannot lift themselves out of poverty. Today, in a post-11-September world, a new rationale for aid is emerging. Aid is increasingly seen as a potent force in the war on terror by providing support to both front-line States and weak States in which terrorism could breed. Additionally, there is a mounting recognition of endemic poverty and of the inequalities that threaten national security interests. Despite this realization, however, development assistance programmes have become more selective, aimed at a small group of countries that are in some way qualified. Nevertheless, many countries fail to qualify for this aid. Concrete actions must be taken for the sake of the millions suffering in those countries. We ignore them at our own risk. Common sense tells us that conflict is endemic and hardly any region in the world has escaped its violence. However, the reality is that no new civil wars have broken out recently, and there has been a decline in the number of drawn-out conflicts within and between States. We notice that although the number of victims has risen sharply, the number of terrorist incidents has in fact declined. That said, fewer people are being killed by war than at almost anytime in the past century. Few wars are beginning and many old ones are ending. This is particularly true in Africa, where some seven millions souls perished in the conflicts of Angola, Congo, Sudan, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Somalia. With the exception of the Darfur region in the Sudan, each one of those conflicts appears to be either coming to an end, winding down or stabilizing. Of course, we are all deeply saddened by the scale of the tragedy in Darfur. This issue, however, needs to be tackled with the greatest care, clarity, fairness and seriousness. We must be cautious about making generalizations and forming prejudices too soon. We need to direct our efforts towards the right solutions. Conflicts, of course, require weapons, and reducing this threat requires a halt to arms shipments. These shipments divert vital resources from other critical needs. The countries of Asia, Latin America, the Middle East and Africa spend some $22 billion on arms each year, that is, more than two thirds of arms sales worldwide. Solidifying peace in the world calls for more preventive diplomacy, peacemaking and additional peacekeeping missions. Unless fully supported by the international community through additional resources, further operations would strain United Nations planning, pre-positioned forces, logistics, procurement and command and control capabilities. What is required, therefore, is greater assistance for regional peacekeeping capabilities, particularly in Africa. Any action undertaken must necessarily have the approval of the United Nations. This is the only path that confers a degree of legitimacy on any undertaking. Action undertaken by the United Nations implies the approval of the Security Council. Here it must be noted that the Council continues to operate in accordance with the legacy of the Second World War in terms of its structure. Furthermore, the exponential growth in United Nations membership is not reflected in the Council. There is an urgent need for the developing world to have a stronger voice in the Council. The Council must have a more equitable and realistic distribution, in terms of both representation and composition. Security Council reform is long overdue and there is an urgent need to expand the reform in both the permanent and non-permanent categories, embracing developing and developed countries. We are pleased with the establishment by the Secretary-General of the High- Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change. Some of its initial soundings cover the expansion of the Security Council, recalling membersí commitment to contribute to national and international peace and security. We deem auspicious the projected full review of the Councilís work at the end of every decade, including a review of the manpower and financial resources of peacekeeping missions. We await the Panelís report this December to the Secretary-General, and we will consider his comments during the next session of the Assembly. The President returned to the Chair. Following the Arta Peace Conference, which we initiated and the outlines of which I presented to this very Assembly several years ago, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) member States considered it necessary to complete this process by broadening its base. Since then, and to date, the Somali reconciliation conference in Nairobi, Kenya, under the auspices of IGAD, has achieved tangible progress, which we welcome. Particular recognition should be addressed to all IGAD member 16 States for their self-sacrifice and devotion, especially to our brothers from Kenya, whose good offices, patience and determination allowed the negotiations to continue even in the most critical moments. Indeed, the Somali representatives, spurred by the will of the region and the convergence of political and financial support of the international community, worked relentlessly to set up the first pillar of the Somali Government institutions ó that is, the Transitional Parliament. This first stage, welcomed by the Somali people within the country and in the diaspora, and the international community as a whole, finally brought a glimmer of hope that the reign of anarchy and chaos would soon come to an end in Somalia. The divergences of view that prevailed for a long time among the countries of the region on ways of resolving the Somali conflict have now yielded to common sense and collective resolve, to work in harmony and to collaborate in a sincere and fraternal spirit towards the ultimate goal of helping our Somali brothers achieve legitimate and lasting peace. The misunderstandings and difficulties encountered during the process have provided an opportunity for a fresh review of the statements of the various regional actors for a clear-eyed and in-depth analysis, imbued with the genuine desire to show the solidarity of IGAD countries towards Somalia, and has made it possible to underscore the common need to help the Somali people to establish a broad-based Government that is representative and legitimate. This Conference has culminated in a Somali Parliament, where all the factions and various components of Somali civil society are represented, such as intellectuals, professionals, women and others. Last week, the members of Parliament elected a Speaker, and today they are electing his deputies before proceeding on 10 October to elect the President of the Transitional Government. Without a doubt, and very importantly so, the facts bear out that we are today in a significantly different mood than the past, because this time the Somali people are more determined to deepen their dialogue and the reconciliation process. And as a region we are convinced that we must work together towards achieving the goals agreed upon. It is also the responsibility of the international community to act in a strong and decisive manner to assist Somalia. In the first place, the international community must provide the necessary financial and political support to rapidly enable the new Government to create the conditions for achieving the rehabilitation of facilities needed to house the new Government; the provision of direct budgetary support to pay wages and other administrative expenditures; and the tackling of security issues head-on, in particular, with the implementation of demobilization, disarmament and reintegration programmes (DDR). In this first six-month critical phase, the actions undertaken by the new Government will determine the authority of its legitimacy as it proceeds to consolidate the gains obtained from the reconciliation process, with the aim of addressing the formidable expectations of the Somali people. In the second place, at the political level, it is assumed that the new Transitional Parliament will be an all-inclusive body; it will agree to swear in members of this National Assembly; and all its members will accept the primacy of the rule of law, responsible norms of behaviour, disarmament and demobilization. Any contrary attitudes, actions or activities that could undermine the efforts to pacify the country or frustrate the effectiveness of the new Government should not be tolerated or accepted by the region or by the international community. In this respect, the Security Council, the unique body entrusted with the maintenance of international peace and security, may be called upon to take necessary measures in conformity with the United Nations Charter to apply the following measures in case the new State faces a resurgence of obstacles to the reconciliation process or restoration of the State. These would be the implementation of a list and a systematic regime of sanctions directed against those who would continue to undermine the Governmentís peace efforts. We are deeply convinced that this is a unique opportunity for the international community to finally resolve the long-lasting conflict in Somalia. We need to acknowledge the changes that have taken place. The Somalis are determined, and the region is united. We should, at all costs, avoid repetition of the scenario we have experienced in the past. Let us seize this opportunity. Let us, together, help our Somali brothers and sisters in their quest for peace, stability, and unity. 17 Until now, innumerable resolutions, commitments, initiatives and peace processes to resolve the long-festering Middle East conflict remain at best rhetorical. A clear-cut vision of the two-State solution - a secure Israel side by side with a viable Palestinian State - rings hollow in the wake of a large expansion of illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories of the West Bank, with the building of thousands of houses on land confiscated from Palestinian families. All this sounds familiar. Over the last three-and-a-half decades, we have witnessed the blatant confiscation of Palestinian land, farmlands and water resources. The daily oppression and repression of Palestinian victims is beyond comprehension. Nevertheless, the Palestinians continue to struggle against all odds to maintain some semblance of civil order. Making an already untenable and explosive situation even worse, Israel, in defiance of international law and public opinion, has embarked on building a separation wall, which is penetrating and dividing Palestinian territory in two, well beyond Israelís 1967 borders, thus creating facts on the ground. And, as we all know by now, Israelís proposed tactical withdrawal from Gaza is not a prelude to Palestinian statehood. All these violent and deliberate actions have made a mockery of the road map, and thus, rendered it worthless; this is the same fate that met the Oslo Accords. Abandoned by the international community, the Palestinians are struck with indefinite deprivation, a sense of hopelessness and statelessness. That being the case, this Assembly has perhaps the sad duty to pronounce itself incapable of constraining Israel, a Member State of this Organization, rather than continuing to give false hope to a people that has already lost everything. Djibouti, strategically situated at a crossroad of the seas, and serving as a gateway to the growing African and Middle Eastern markets, has been fortunate in achieving a period of sustained growth, stability and improved governance. Many of our facilities are presently undergoing considerable improvements to respond to, and to take advantage of the growing demands. A new modern port is under construction, the first phase being an oil terminal expected to be operational by next year, followed by a major container terminal, and finally by an industrial free zone that will be the first of its kind in Africa, offering light manufacturing and value-added facilities and services in a duty-free setting, including warehousing, storage and distribution. In this respect, we wish to express deep gratitude to the inspiring and pragmatic leadership of Dubai, our key partner in this visionary venture, that will undoubtedly put Djibouti on the map of international trade and shipping. Djibouti seeks to improve its private sector development by reducing the cost of creating or doing business, by improving its labour force through investments in education, training, health, social protection and eliminating gender disparities. The Government is also working to strengthen institutional capacity and governance, while developing its absorptive capacity to better manage, as well as effectively utilize, donor support. The Horn of Africa has seen its share of conflict and natural disasters. Together with our friends in the region, we are resolutely engaged in mitigating the plight of our people, reducing tensions and conflict, developing cooperation in the areas of transport, communications, health and the environment. Regional and international security issues and, in particular, the fight against terrorism, are of primary concern to the countries in the Horn of Africa. Together with our international partners, we are doing all we can in the fight against that scourge. The same holds true for the HIV/AIDS pandemic, tuberculosis and malaria. Our region has no other alternative than to strengthen cooperation in all areas ó from economic development to improving confidence-building measures. Djibouti, friend to all, enemy of none, will spare no effort to further intensify the search for greater regional harmony and cooperation, while promoting a pluralistic, open, and healthy society at home.