In the gigantic struggle, which has always divided the great Powers — and which, unfortunately, is still being waged — the forum of this Assembly has proved the natural refuge of the small Powers. Has it not been affirmed to us, solemnly and repeatedly, that the United Nations Charter is based on the principles of the dignity of the human being and the equality of rights of all nations, large and small? Has it not been proclaimed that it is in this supreme organ that the political independence and territorial integrity of all its Members will forever be safeguarded? Eminent statesmen of these countries, on which for a long time to come the fate of mankind will depend, have preceded me at this forum of the nations of the world. All of them, forgetting their arguments and divergent systems and remembering that, first and foremost, they are men, have affirmed their desire for peace and their will to safeguard it.
101. It is to emphasize once more my country’s devotion to the ideals of the Charter and to express our earnest hope of witnessing the realization of the aims of the United Nations, that I take the floor today, in the name of the Lebanese delegation.
102. There is, moreover, no doubt that the instinct of self-preservation alone requires that small nations should be firmly wedded to the maintenance of peace because, for them, wars generally prove fatal. How many small States have we not seen dismembered — even expunged from the map — by wars, while the great Powers, both victors and vanquished, survive, even though sorely wounded?
103. My country is one of those whose fate has always been affected by wars, both on account of its small territory and its geographical position in the ancient Eastern Mediterranean, and of its mixed population, which enjoys greater harmony and prosperity in times of universal peace. Hence Lebanon could never initiate or follow any course of action likely to undermine international stability or to lead to conflicts between peoples.
104. Both within the regional political organization to which it belongs — the League of Arab States — in all the many organs depending upon or springing from the United Nations, and in its direct relations with other countries, Lebanon has always endeavoured to reconcile varying points of view, harmonize divergent trends and pour oil on troubled waters. Lebanon is, and will remain, faithful to what it believes to be its mission and a condition for its existence.
105. That being so, we proclaim our faith in the United Nations and our sincere desire to see it so strengthened as to enable it to prevent any aggression or, in the event of aggression taking place, to resist it, conquer it and re-establish the rule of law. The Lebanese delegation will whole-heartedly collaborate in studying any proposal to this end, based on the concept of justice for all and taking into account the realities of the present international situation.
106. It is essential, in our view, that the universal character of our Organization should be safeguarded and strengthened. Let all the nations of the world be admitted, irrespective of their political systems, ideologies or concepts of order. Let them meet and face each other; let their ideas collide and clash in this forum; let the whole world have the opportunity to listen and to judge all of them. And one day, out of this, will come forth the real truth, the solid foundation for a permanent peace.
107. It is inconceivable that nations which have taken a large part, sometimes at the cost of heavy sacrifices, in the creation of human civilization should still remain outside our Organization.
108. It has constantly been repeated since the First World War, in particular by the representatives of France, a country twice the victim of aggression — and again a few days ago by Mr. Acheson [279th meeting] — that the problem of the reduction of armaments, a prerequisite for peace, is closely linked with that of collective security. This collective security is not to be found in words or in written texts. As embodied in the United Nations Charter, it has taken the place of the former system of alliances and the balance of power. But if this policy of the balance of power is not to be resuscitated within the United Nations, it is essential that the elements of the new system of security should be effectively implemented. For that purpose the Charter made provision for an international force, which would be the true safeguard of security and peace. If such a force existed, if, in consequence, nations ran the risk of incurring sanctions beyond the mere censure of a part of public opinion, then the principles and the decisions of the United Nations would be respected.
109. In one of the committees of the United Nations, Lebanon suggested the creation of an international police force, sufficiently strong to defend and maintain the international regime provided for Jerusalem. That small force would have formed the nucleus of the armed force for which provision is made in the Charter. The Lebanese suggestion, however, was not accepted though it deserved to be tried out. However, it may yet be put into effect, after the painful awakening caused by the noise of battle in Korea.
110. It must be recognized that armed force and the fear of reprisals do not form the sole basis of peace. The equitable distribution of commodities and the raising of the living standards of all peoples are also essential factors of world peace. That is why we warmly welcome and strongly support the idea of a system of international assistance to promote the economic development of under-developed countries. This idea follows up the assurances given to the world by the sponsors of the Atlantic Charter in respect of the just distribution of raw materials and other commodities.
111. Nevertheless, the co-operation of all is needed to carry out this programme of the United Nations, based on equality and justice and covering the social, economic and political fields. Hence, seeing that such co-operation cannot be wholly realized except within the General Assembly, we are inclined to support in principle any positive proposal designed to strengthen the action of this Assembly.
112. I hope that no one will take offence if emphasize that the small and medium-sized countries could make an effective contribution to peace and to good relations between nations. Such action could be inspired only by the spirit of justice and conciliation to which I referred a few minutes ago, and which is the safeguard of the small and medium-sized countries. We had one example at the third session of the General Assembly, when Mexico proposed that an appeal should be addressed to the Powers for conciliation, a proposal which was unanimously supported by the representatives [resolution 190 (III)] and which served to decrease tension and to improve the atmosphere of the debates.
113. It may be objected, however, that the General Assembly, whose scope of action we should like to expand, does not, in most cases — unlike the Security Council — enjoy the authority to enforce its decisions. Nevertheless, respect for the principles of the United Nations and the implementation of its decisions must be ensured. The General Assembly itself, in its resolution 290 (IV) of 1 December 1949, stressed the fact that non-observance of the principles of the Charter and, I may add, the failure to respect the decisions of the United Nations, is the cause of the prolongation of international tension.
114. This situation has had serious consequences. The action taken by the United Nations on the Korean question did not prevent war, any more than did its action on the Palestine question, yet decisions were taken on both matters. What was the outcome of those decisions?
115. I shall confine my remarks to the Palestine problem, which furnishes the most striking example of the powerlessness of the United Nations to implement its own decisions, and constitutes a very dangerous precedent for the future of the Organization.
116. From 1947 onwards, various resolutions were adopted for the purpose of preserving for all mankind a sacred heritage — Jerusalem and the Holy Places. The internationalization of the Jerusalem area was decreed in resolution 181 (II) of 29 November 1947, and confirmed by resolution 194 (III) of 11 December 1948. The Conciliation Commission for Palestine, established under the terms of the latter resolution, was instructed to prepare a draft international statute. Finally, resolution 303 (IV), adopted on 9 December 1949, reaffirmed the principle of the internationalization of the Jerusalem area as a corpus separatum and called upon the Trusteeship Council to draw up a statute for the Holy City.
117. However, while resolutions are adopted and international bodies are dealing with the problem — with something less than the speed which we might have desired — efforts are being made to sabotage the lofty ideal conceived by the family of nations in accordance with its guiding principles. Following the military occupation of a large part of the territory, in violation of the resolutions which traced its boundaries and defined its future status, foreign administrative services have been moved into the area, a parliament holds its meetings there and exercises a sovereignty which is not that of the United Nations. The intervention of the Trusteeship Council and the injunctions of its President have been of no avail.
118. The lofty principles which we proclaim have been answered with facts. But what are these facts? They are faits accomplis — situations produced by acts of violence, in contempt of the decisions of the highest organs of the United Nations, acts which will assuredly be followed by others of the same nature, until Christendom has irrevocably lost one of its two capitals, and Islam one of its sanctuaries.
119. The General Assembly now has before it the draft international statute for the Jerusalem area, drawn up by the Trusteeship Council on the basis of the Assembly’s resolutions. Our only task is to implement decisions already taken. We cannot permit any country to defy those decisions by reducing the area to be placed under United Nations control and curtailing international authority within that area until it is no more than a sham and a mockery. That would indeed be to abdicate our authority.
120. Be that as it may, the close solidarity which has united Lebanon and the other Arab States which are Members of the United Nations with the Christian nations of the world, in defence of the Holy Places, will never be betrayed by us. The future of that City which is held sacred by all believers, and the prestige of the United Nations, are of too great concern to us to permit denunciation of our commitments, by which we would incur the censure of future generations.
121. As you know, the question of the Holy Places is closely linked to another problem born of the same unhappy succession of events. I speak of the inhabitants of the Holy Places, exiled for more than two years now from their homes, which are occupied by foreigners from all parts of the world.
122. The international tension arising from disregard of the principles of the Charter and failure to implement the decisions of the United Nations will continue in the Middle East, which is in any case a critical area, until the provisions of resolution 194 (III) of 11 December 1948, regarding the return of the Palestine refugees to their homes and the payment of compensation for losses sustained by them, has been put into effect.
123. The United Nations has shown great generosity in assisting these unfortunates who have found themselves, without warning, deprived of food and shelter. Various organs of the United Nations and international relief agencies have faced difficulties more complex and widespread than have ever been known before in their efforts to alleviate the misery of these people, and they deserve deep gratitude and admiration.
124. But man cannot live indefinitely on charity without losing his self-respect. For more than two years, a million refugees have been living so to speak in concentration camps which are only now, and to a small extent, beginning to be transformed into labour camps. Meanwhile, by no other right than that of an international injustice, others are living in their homes, cultivating their fields and using their property. Moreover, it may be that, in time, kindness will fail and charity will be exhausted. And yet law exists, a living and recognized law, which can be implemented as soon as all Powers, both great and small, are willing to examine their consciences and apply equal justice to all.
125. The solution of the problem of the Palestine refugees, which is now simply a question of implementing a decision, is beyond doubt closely linked to the solution of the entire Palestine problem.
126. We must never lose sight of the fact that all that has happened and is still happening in Palestine is the outcome of the continued existence of a fait accompli, the same type of fait accompli which was condemned here a few days ago [283rd meeting] by Mr. Bevin in connexion with Korea. We have every reason to fear that, with the passage of time and the human habit of gradual adaptation to circumstances, the present situation in Palestine will become a legally recognized status quo, while the violence and injustice which brought it into being will fade into oblivion,
127. I see that the agenda of our present session includes various questions bearing upon the observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Lebanon played a large part in drawing up the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; my country cannot but take an interest in any problem related to this subject, in whatever part of the world it may arise. Lebanon will continue its efforts in this field; but I feel it my duty to remind the Assembly that an immediate application of these fundamental principles is essential in connexion with the existing situations I have just described.
128. In conclusion, I must repeat that although no effort has been spared in the preparation of resounding declarations of principles and rights, the essential task is to make those rights and principles an integral part of the daily life of the nations. As long as it lacks power to enforce its decisions, the United Nations must be able to rely upon the universal and unconditional support of all the peoples of the world.
129. At the beginning of what we all agree will be a decisive session, the fate of the United Nations is unfolding before us. That fate will be determined by our actions, not by our words. The United Nations will triumph over its difficulties and continue to live, if our actions are inspired by a true spirit of justice and sincerity.