Five years ago the Charter of the United Nations was drafted at San Francisco in the firm belief that after two wars the world was ready to embark on better ways of solving conflicts. At that time there was some reason to believe that a new era had begun in which the peoples of the world would live peacefully together and would be prepared to respect the differences in their political systems and ideologies.
47. Indeed, if during the last five years human society had been imbued with the spirit of San Francisco, a Minister for Foreign Affairs of a country like my own would still have been greatly preoccupied with its material recovery, but his main worry would not have been defence. That problem inevitably arises when aggression lurks around the corner and I profoundly regret that there are reasons for such fear and that recent developments have strongly augmented this deep anxiety.
48. Some people are inclined to believe that good relations between peoples depend upon good organization and that therefore the cure for the dangerous situation is to be found in the improvement of the Charter of the United Nations. If that were the case, our task might not be too difficult. It would, however, in our opinion, be a grave mistake if we tried to blame the statute of the United Nations for the sense of impending disaster which is now being felt so strongly in many parts of our harassed world. For it is clear that mere amendments to the Charter of the United Nations would not diminish the real dangers of the present world situation. Not the Charter of the United Nations but the spirit animating some of its Members is the fundamental cause for our concern.
49. Verily, it is not, as the Secretary-General has submitted, the non-existence of peace treaties which causes such concern, since the absence of such treaties is not a cause, but a consequence, a consequence of unfaithfulness to the principles of San Francisco. To be sure, in the days of San Francisco, great differences existed between the constitutional patterns and ideologies of the various States which signed the Charter, but at least there seemed to be general agreement on one point: the pledge to respect one another’s way of life and to abstain from interfering in one another’s affairs, least of all by the use of violence. This faith in international relations based on mutual respect has been terribly shaken.
50. The situation is too dangerous to allow us not to be quite frank at this moment. The unfaithfulness of the Soviet Union to the spirit of San Francisco has brought us where we are today. World revolution, which already figured long before 1917 on the programme of international communism, now forms a fundamental part of the programme of the Soviet Union for world domination and has thus been made subservient to Russian imperialism. Everywhere in the world the Cominform parties in non-Cominform States are trying, with exactly the same Moscow-made methods and tactics, to undermine the constitutional bodies and democratic philosophies of those countries, to sabotage recovery and to unnerve the populations. I need not say more about it, since unfortunately it is common knowledge and common experience.
51. There is therefore no reason for rejoicing when we look back, on the five years which have elapsed since San Francisco. Nevertheless, this year will earn its own and important place in history; for although we have not succeeded in realizing the ideals which brought us confidently together in San Francisco, we have succeeded in uniting the overwhelming majority of the Members of the Organization in prompt and effective action against the spectacular repetition of the crime of aggression, the sad and recent memories of which are still with all of us. It is clear that I am now referring to Korea.
52. Much has been lost since 1945, but something has been gained. We have given proof that when faced with the test, the United Nations is capable and willing, for the first time in history, to act collectively in defence of the fundamental principles underlying the Charter. If the United Nations had missed this _ opportunity, had failed this time as the League of Nations failed in the days of the Japanese attack on Manchuria and the Italian aggression against Ethiopia, it would have destroyed the basic idea on which we built our institution. The common man, everywhere in the world, has enough common sense to understand that he cannot expect miracles from an Organization which is only five years old. But he would never have forgiven the United Nations if it had abstained from action against the reappearance of naked aggression.
53. At present the United Nations is down to essentials, its first and paramount purpose being the preservation of international peace and security. By far transcending every other problem, there stands today as our foremost duty the task of repelling aggression and bringing to a victorious end the struggle of the United Nations and South Korean forces in the Korean peninsula. In this connexion we who are here together owe a grateful tribute to the American boys who, in the service of the United Nations, at once went into action and who, together with the struggling South Koreans who are defending their freedom, have hitherto borne the brunt of the fighting. The Netherlands Government, for its part, has, by the immediate dispatch of naval forces and the forthcoming departure to the front of ground troops, demonstrated its determination effectively and wholeheartedly to take part in our collective measures for guaranteeing the security which is a matter of life and death for all of us.
54. Here I feel bound to raise a problem which has created confusion during the last few months and which might trouble us again during our forthcoming discussions. In the view of my Government, we must make a clear distinction between the Korean problem and the question of the representation of China within the United Nations, or, for that matter, any other problem.,
55. The Soviet Union did its utmost to paralyse action by the Security Council on the Korean question during the month of August, by linking it to the still open issue of the representation of China. There is no doubt that it will try to do so again. In fact, it has done so already.
56. It must be clear, however, that the problem of the representation of China has in itself no connexion whatsoever with the struggle in Korea, and that these two problems should not be interlocked. Within the United Nations there must not be any doubt about what happens in Korea. In Korea, the principle of collective security is at stake and we must never lose sight of the fact that on collective security rest all our efforts peacefully to organize the world. He who breaches the peace must know that he will meet the determined resistance of every one of us.
57. We therefore listened with great interest to the suggestions for the reinforcement of our Organization outlined by Mr. Acheson [A/1377}. Indeed, it may well prove to be an indispensable development that the power of the General Assembly to make recommendations in cases of grave emergency should be supplemented by a more practical and timely preparation of such forces, to which the United Nations may legitimately appeal whenever aggression threatens or breaks the peace of the world,
58. On the other hand, it stands to reason that, with regard to the representation of China, the members of the United Nations are free to differ in their opinions. Whenever a new regime appears, a period of uncertainty is bound to follow for other States regarding their relationship with such a new government.
59. For reasons which, in its view, are compelling, the Netherlands Government, like fifteen other governments, has recognized the Government of the People’s Republic of China. Other countries have so far refrained from doing this. I may repeat, however, that the Chinese problem should not be allowed to obscure the issue of the aggression in Korea. We must be careful not to increase the danger of the Korean crisis for world peace by connecting it with the separate problem of China.
60. Since 1945, the emphasis on the problem of security has been shifted from the idea of peace by consultation to the necessity of the maintenance of peace by force. I trust this regrettable shift will not be permanent, but it has compelled various countries to conclude regional treaties of collective defence, such as the North Atlantic Treaty. These treaties are clearly within the scope of the Charter and their defensive character will be evident to every unbiased person. Needless to say, the governments of Europe would not spend huge sums for the mere pleasure of maintaining large military machines. They are all forced to preserve a precarious equilibrium between the exigencies of a great military effort on the one hand, and a reasonable standard of living in a free country on the other hand. For it is clear that the sense of all self-defence is that there is something worthwhile fighting for. For this reason it would not be wise to let military preoccupations overshadow all our economic and social efforts.
61. I may be allowed to mention in this context our efforts in Europe in the field of economic co-operation. I should particularly like to do so, since it would be wrong to mention only those aspects of the European situation which give rise to grave concern, and not to refer to the constructive side of our efforts in the field of peaceful co-operation, where hope for the future lies. Ours is a fateful age; grave dangers are imminent and our survival is in jeopardy. But on the other hand new hopes and visions are no less present in our minds. It is up to us to make them come true.
62. The numerous bodies and organs for economic and political co-operation in Western Europe may astonish non-Europeans. I for one must admit that they have greatly suprised many Europeans themselves. I may limit myself here to indicating three of the most outstanding examples.
63. Let me first mention the Organization for European Economic Co-operation, which came into being as a result of the Marshall Plan, and which has as its aim the liberalization of European trade and the reinforcement of the economic structure of western Europe. I need not tell this Assembly how much Marshall aid has meant to the recovery of Europe. A recent tangible result has been the coming into being of the European Payments Union.
64. At the moment a group of European States is involved in an interesting experiment. I refer to the negotiations on the Schuman Plan. In presenting this plan, the French Government has shown real vision and, by doing so, may have pointed the way for future peaceful co-operation between Germany and the rest of Europe. This might even prove to be the cornerstone of effective European integration.
65. Meanwhile, out of the free impulse of public opinion and the strong will of European parliaments, a Council of Europe was formed at Strasbourg. The discussions there have clearly demonstrated that European co-operation is not only a concern of governments and experts but is rooted in a strong, popular sentiment.
66. We have not yet reached any spectacular overall solution in European integration, and' many difficulties are still ahead. It is sometimes hard for one who, like myself, experiences the daily difficulties and inevitable disappointments at close range, to watch the results of our work from the academic distance of a historian. Sometimes it seems that there is more failure than success. But looking back over a couple of years one must admit that, notwithstanding disappointments, this new conception of interdependence is progressing with great strides.
67. European economic co-operation and the development of under-developed countries are equally important for the peace and the well-being of the world. Therefore my Government wholeheartedly welcomes the programme of technical assistance worked out by the United Nations. I can assure the General Assembly that my country will co-operate to the best of its ability, special experience and resources, to contribute to its realization.
68. The past year has witnessed an important fact in the history of the United Nations to which my country has been closely related. I am now referring to the transfer of sovereignty to Indonesia. It is gratifying that the unhappy conflict has come to an end and has resulted in a solution acceptable to both parties. In a number of agreements which recently were jointly registered with the Secretariat of the United Nations, in accordance with Article 102 of the Charter, it was agreed to establish a union based on free will, equality and complete independence. This implies a pledge by both countries to make a serious effort of co-operation between East and West. Even if difficulties may occur, the common interest is so vitally important for both parties that we may confidently expect this experiment, to bear fruit in the future. Meanwhile, Indonesia stands at the door of the United Nations. Should the Indonesian Government decide to apply for membership, the Netherlands Government will deem it an honour wholeheartedly to support such a request before the General Assembly, and will gladly welcome the new State into our midst.
69. I shall limit myself to these remarks. On the agenda of this Assembly appear a number of items which are so much more important than others, that the mere existence of our Organization depends upon their solution. The eyes of hundreds of millions of people are fixed on this Assembly. I shall not try to picture what would be the judgment passed by humanity on the United Nations if this Assembly should not live up to its task. Let me close with a few words to all those who feel discouraged in the face of present events. This is not the first time in history that the outlook seems dark. In one of the most difficult moments in the life of my country, the Prince of Orange, William the Silent, expressed a thought which has always kept its meaning for the Dutch. I may repeat these words at this moment as a device for this Assembly in its search for wisdom under God’s guidance: "Point n’est besoin d’esperer pour entreprendre, ni de reussir pour perseverer”.