Many of us here present have lived through anxious hours in this very Assembly Hall during the emergency special sessions of the General Assembly, called at the beginning of November 1956 to consider the Suez and Hungarian crises. The problem of preserving world peace devolved finally on the Members of the General Assembly, owing to the clear inability of the Security Council, which under the Charter has the primary responsibility in the circumstances. The ultimate and overwhelming responsibility devolved upon us, the small nations of the world.
2. To the eleventh session has now fallen an inheritance of unparalleled importance — the mission of warding off the onset of a third world war. Under the circumstances, nearly four score nations of the world, have expressed their confidence in Prince Wan Waithayakon by unanimously electing him as President to guide the deliberations of the sole body that can, offer some hope for evolving a peaceful resolution of the threat that confronts us all. At no time in the history of the United Nations have the deliberations of the General Assembly been more heavily fraught with consequences for the future of the world than at this eleventh session. Prince Wan Waithayakon’s election constitutes, therefore, a supreme tribute to the confidence, esteem and affection which he and his great people so universally enjoy.
3. I have just observed that present-day events stress the importance of the role of the Assembly in preserving world peace. Today, more than ever, it is essential that this Organization be universal in fact as well as in name. Only to the extent that it represents all continents, races, nations and philosophies can it operate as the conscience of mankind and the embodiment of justice.
4. As an African State Ethiopia cannot, therefore, but draw particular satisfaction from the admission to membership at the eleventh session of the Sudan, Morocco and Tunisia. The events of the present hour underscore sufficiently, to make further comment unnecessary, the exceptional importance of the role which the States of the Middle East and of Africa, in particular, have to play in the preservation of peace and security. We cannot hope to fulfil those responsibilities or aspire to any lasting solutions for the problems relating to this area — problems surpassing in scope, depth and acuity all of those which in the history of this Organization have come previously before this Assembly — unless the peoples of this area are in a position to make their full contribution to the work of this Organization. The unanimity and celerity with which the Assembly proceeded to approve the admission of these three States testify, therefore, to the exceptional importance which the United Nations and, indeed the world, attach to their contributions in this critical hour.
5. And so it is that, in the name of the Ethiopian Government and its delegation to the eleventh Assembly, I wish to hail the admission of these three African States, Ethiopia’s neighbours and friends. Throughout a period of several years my delegation has supported all measures designed to further the attainment by Morocco and Tunisia of membership of the United Nations. On the other hand, the impressively rapid achievement of independence by the Sudan — Ethiopia’s closest neighbour and a State and people with whom we have ties not merely of friendship, but of sincere and brotherly affection — is a cause of deep and particular satisfaction, and indeed rejoicing, in Ethiopia. In this connexion, it may be recalled that my country was the first to exchange ambassadors with the new and independent State of the Sudan.
6. The Ethiopian delegation cherishes the hope that the United Nations may soon welcome as Members other territories of Africa on the road to independence, and in particular the Trust Territory of Somaliland, which now exists under United Nations Trusteeship. Its inhabitants have always been and always will be considered as brothers by the Ethiopian people. It is our hope, that the Trust Territory may achieve its full independence on schedule in 1960. Propinquity and ties of race, culture, religion and history have called, and always will call, for our closest collaboration and association with that new State. Also, it is our hope that the eleventh session may mark the admission of Japan, that great nation with whom so many of us have ties of close friendship and for whose culture and attainments all of us have such deep admiration. Finally, it is unjust that, more than a decade after the close of the Second World War, Germany should not remain excluded from this Organization. Surely it is impossible without German representation and participation, either to claim universality for the Organization or to hope for any comprehensive contribution by the United Nations to the solution of European problems.
7. I have spoken up to the present in terms of the exceptional importance which the crises of the present hour have given to the work of this Assembly and to the particular necessity for ensuring that this body should be as universal as possible in character. In substance, its importance and achievements are due essentially to the contributions of the small States of the world whose approach to problems is founded on considerations of justice and concern for an integral application of the principles of the Charter, an approach unbeset by the temptation to use force or threats of force, as is the case of States which have immense wealth and that panoply of armed forces and industrial strength which are its inevitable coefficients. I have already touched upon the importance of the contributions of the small States in the present crisis, and shall content myself here with remarking that the United Nations Emergency Force, dispatched to the Middle East, consists mainly of troops contributed by the small States of the Middle East and Europe.
8. Under such circumstances, it is important that the participation of small States in the work of the United Nations be placed on as universal a basis as possible. My delegation therefore sees great merit in the proposals by our colleagues from Latin America to increase representation in the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council, the International Court of Justice and the International Law Commission.
9. With the admission of Sudan, Tunisia and Morocco, the African-Asian group has become the largest single group of States in the United Nations, now totalling one-third of the Members. What is significant, however, is that they do not constitute a bloc of States whose votes may be influenced one way or another. Each question is judged on its merits, with the result that the members of the group do not vote as a bloc except where it is a question of defending the principles for which every single member of that group has suffered. The Bandung Conference of 1955 has indelibly marked our community of ideals. Not one of us has escaped the scars of imperialistic designs, and our histories have without exception been marked either by a painful rise to independence against overwhelming obstacles or by bitter and continuous struggles to maintain that independence, struggles which are still going on today — and are not least in Africa.
10. Today, that problem has come before the United Nations, in a clear and unmistakable form, as regards events in Europe and in Africa. We in the African-Asian group cannot but remain firmly united in our defence of those principles and in our resolve to ensure that they shall be respected throughout the world. It was in this sense that at the London Conference of the summer of 1956 the Middle Eastern States, including Ethiopia, joined with the Scandinavian countries in insisting that no solution of the Suez crisis could be found except one fully respecting the sovereignty and — to use the Charter’s language in Article 2, paragraph 4 — “the territorial integrity” of Egypt, reached with the full consent of Egypt, excluding all use of force or threat of force and with and within the United Nations itself.
11. As a member of the African-Asian group, Ethiopia feels that, as an inextricable part of the concept of “territorial integrity” and by virtue of the fact that the Suez Canal is recognized as an integral part of her territory, Egypt had the clear right to nationalize the Universal Suez Canal Company, subject to indemnification, indemnification which she had promised at the time. On the other hand, it should be remembered — and I am sure that my colleague from Egypt will agree in this — that Egypt has always recognized that there is an international interest in the maintenance of the freedom of the Canal. The proposals of President Nasser enunciated in August and September 1956, with reference to the Constantinople Convention of 1888, the recent acceptance in the Security Council of six principles of settlement and now, the request which Egypt has just addressed to the Secretary-General with reference to the reopening of the Canal with United Nations assistance, leave no conceivable doubt on this score.
12. Indeed, we all have an interest in the freedom of the Canal, some it is true, more than others. For example Ethiopia warmly applauds the understanding reached with the Egyptian Foreign Minister, for the reopening of the Canal, since it can well be questioned whether the national economy of any Member of the United Nations, still less that of any other member of the continent of Africa — where the Canal after all is situated — stands to lose more than the national economy of Ethiopia, almost all of whose exports pass through the Canal. Yet, as we have said, Egypt has repeatedly emphasized her recognition of the international interest in the freedom of the Canal. Under these circumstances, the principle of respect for and defence of territorial integrity as applied to Egypt, is clear and vital in its application and challenge. The United Nations has been seized of the whole affair and the entire African-Asian community views with the utmost abhorrence all use or threat of use of force. No measure of force can, therefore, be reconciled either with the United Nations procedures already accepted, or the principle of territorial integrity so clearly enunciated in Article 2 of the Charter.
13. It was with these considerations in mind, that, at the first emergency special session, Ethiopia, along with other nations from the African-Asian group, sponsored two draft resolutions [A/3275, A/3308] and, at the current session, sponsored another [A/3385/Rev.l]. As I had occasion to state at the first emergency special session, the plain fact is that a clear case of a breach of the peace has taken place, and this Assembly is dutybound to act with speed and determination. We all called upon the three invading States immediately to withdraw their forces. We acted with speed and determination in dispatching the United Nations Emergency Force so as to facilitate that immediate withdrawal and, with the Secretary-General, who has exerted every effort to carry out the will of the Assembly, have asked for, and, unfortunately, are still waiting for compliance by the three invading States with the will of the entire community of States. We must call upon, them immediately to terminate this attack against the territorial integrity of Egypt and no longer to delay in withdrawing their forces.
14. It should be noted that Article 2 of the Charter refers to threats or use of force, not only against the territorial integrity, but also against the “political independence” of any State. Here again, the sad experiences of most members of the African-Asian group unite them solidly in resolute opposition to all forms of attack against, or interference with, their political independence and all violations of the principle of non-intervention. Unfortunately, that problem with which we, the peoples of Africa and the Middle East, have so long had to five, and for which we have so greatly suffered, has become a burning issue before this Assembly. I would not, at this time, enter into a discussion of this question, which has already been dealt with at great length in regard to certain areas of the world by the speakers who have preceded me. At this stage, I would draw the attention of the Assembly merely to the fact that it would be failing in its duty were it to ignore the disturbing fact that the same problem now exists also in Africa, and that the United Nations cannot hope to maintain respect for the principles of non-intervention and of political as well as territorial integrity and independence in one part of the world, if it should allow them to be threatened or ignored, as they are, in another. The United Nations already stands on the threshold of grave dangers. It would be a disaster of the greatest magnitude to allow these dangers to spread or to become intensified.
15. Let us hope that the efforts which are now being made may be a vindication of the principles of the Charter and may dead to a universal acceptance and to a defence of the concept that all Members shall refrain in their international relations from threatening the territorial integrity or political independence of any State. The problem is not confined to Suez — it arises elsewhere, including the continent of Africa itself where such threats already exist and bode ill for the future. The nations of the world must unite to banish forever this threat from Suez, from the Middle East, from Europe and from Africa. It cannot be ignored wherever its menacing presence may become apparent.
16. The broader problem of Palestine which should not be forgotten in our preoccupation with the Suez question, has been raised by many delegations during the first emergency special session and the present session, I would wish at this time, merely to draw attention once again, as did my delegation last year at the tenth session, to the miseries of the Arab refugees and to the urgent necessity for avoiding any further prolongation of their hardships.
17. Finally, I would refer, briefly, to the problem of Africa as a whole. With great prescience and justification, the Secretary-General for some time has been directing the attention of the Organization to the necessity of finding some means of resolving the problems of the African continent. However, as he has pointed out, too little heed has been paid to them, with the result that the questions relating to that vast area are now multiplying at an almost uncontrollable rate. In this connexion it should be recalled that most of the Trusteeship problems of the Organization, including those concerning Non-Self Governing Territorities, are related directly and exclusively to the African continent and its peoples. However, the problems concerning this continent are still wider in scope and, unless attention is directed to them, the capabilities of this Organization may become severely taxed. It is of the greatest importance that there should be a fundamental change of attitude towards the problems of Africa, not only in general, but also with reference to particular areas and States.
18. The representative of Brazil has stressed with eloquence the significance of economic factors as the principal cause of many, if not most, of the political problems facing the United Nations, In this connexion, I Would commend to the particular attention of the General Assembly the incisive and stimulating chapters which the Secretary-General has devoted to this subject, especially to the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance, in his Annual Report on the Work of the Organization for the period 16 June 1955 to 15 June 1956 [A/3137].
19. First of all, I should like to make a few comments with regard to the Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development (SUNFED). It is important that we should not fail to press forward with the expansion of SUNFED and its programme, profiting by the able and devoted work of the Ad Hoc Committee, set up by the General Assembly [resolution 923 (X)] and composed of representatives of sixteen Governments.
20. As regards the technical assistance programme of the United Nations, it is the belief of my delegation that a useful beginning has been made, but that its achievements fall far short of reasonable expectations and that, not alone because of lack of funds, but also because of certain weaknesses in planning and execution which experience has brought to light.
21. The Ethiopian delegation expects to make specific suggestions in this connexion during the work of the Second Committee. I shall, therefore, confine myself for the moment to the following observations.
22. It would seem to me that, without in any way infringing on the sovereignty of the recipient States, the Technical Assistance Administration (TAA) could adopt a more active, rather than passive, approach to the problems. Its large staff of highly qualified administrators and technicians, and the immense technical resources and personnel available to it, should enable the Technical Assistance Board to take greater initiative in making provisional determinations as to regional needs and the needs of individual countries. It should then be prepared to proceed to implement its programme in each country, following consultation with, and approval by, such country of the proposed programme. Each country must, of course, in the first place, be prepared itself to contribute what it can to the Fund and, secondly, to make suggestions as to programmes; but it seems clear to my delegation that if the United Nations wishes to assume responsibility in this field, it must show a greater degree of initiative and a clearer disposition to go ahead with the implementation of its own proposals, once they have received the approval of the particular country involved.
23. My second observation is closely related to the remarks which I have just made with respect to the economic causes of resentment on the part of the African peoples. The technical assistance programme applies at present to more than half of the Members of the United Nations. However, the attention paid to the African States Members of the Organization is quite disproportionate to the needs and problems involved.
24. Those independent States receive much less than any other group except the colonies, for which, of course, entirely separate sources of assistance are available; and yet, of the strictly African States Members, two-thirds have achieved their independence only within the last few years or months, and stand in the greatest need of assistance. A total allocation of less than $2 million for these African States, or only 7 per cent of the budget for an area of such crucial importance can scarcely be conceived as approaching any level of adequacy. Some new thinking of the problems in terms of over-all planning is surely an urgent necessity.
25. Such are the problems, as my delegation sees them, that appear to be of the greatest significance at the present time. Before closing, however, I wish to refer briefly to certain of the achievements which the United Nations has to its credit during the last twelve months.
26. The future development of atomic energy, because of the present stupendous rate of progress and the infinite repercussions and implications which this new era involves for us all, is veiled in obscurity and weighed down, unfortunately for us all, with grave fears of the unknown. As I stated in the course of my remarks at the 9th plenary meeting of the Conference on the Statute of the International Atomic Energy Agency, we are deeply aware of the promise of the future, but we are also apprehensive.
27. At that Conference the Ethiopian delegation stressed in particular the necessity of providing for a more universal representation within the Agency permitting a more adequate recognition of the contributions which the continent of Africa must, inevitably, make in this field. It is significant that the largest single source of uranium in the world today is located in Africa. The importance of Africa in the field of atomic energy is thus a reflection of the wider importance of that vast continent whose vital and surging forces can no longer be ignored. It is a matter of considerable satisfaction to the Ethiopian delegation, and to me personally, as representative of Ethiopia at the Conference on the Statute of the International Atomic Energy Agency, that that Conference was able to agree upon a Statute for the Agency and that the Statute is now ready for ratification by Members of the United Nations.
28. I do not wish to close without referring to the laudable achievements of the United Nations in the development, during the past year, of conventional international law and, in particular, to the efforts directed at evolving a definition of aggression, as well as the labours of the International Law Commission of the United Nations, particularly with respect to the high seas, the régime of the territorial sea and the rights and duties of States.
29. At no moment in the history of the United Nations have we had more reason to be at once hopeful and apprehensive; hopeful that our perseverance and faith in solutions evolved within the past fateful days may lead, finally, to an era of peace and brotherhood; apprehensive that faintness of heart, or possibly even success itself, may cause us to relax in our firm resolve at all times to stand for a rigorous and unwavering application of the principles of the Charter, wherever and whenever they may be invoked.
30. It is true that by force of circumstance the Security Council has been unable to act in the questions now before us. The responsibility for evolving solutions is now ours and must not be evaded on the theory that the General Assembly can only have recourse to empty recommendations. We have remained faithful to that duty. In our present endeavours, we are also sustained by the courageous and selfless statesmanship of our great Secretary-General. Surely there is cause for hope.
31. Let us now resolve that our present efforts shall mark a turning point in the history of the Organization and that those who come after us may declare that we have well served the cause, not of peace in our time, but of peace for the coming generations.