It gives me great pleasure to address the General Assembly of this world organization with Prince Wan Waithayakon as President. In his person, he presents the great traditions of the East. His work at the United Nations over a long period of years does credit to him and to his country, with which my own is so happily associated in the pursuit of peace and mutual prosperity. Thanks and congratulations are due also to Mr. Maza, the representative of Chile, for his successful tenure of office as President.
33. For me personally to represent my country in this august Assembly for the first time is a matter of special satisfaction and honour. I had the privilege of serving as a representative at the San Francisco Conference in 1945. Ever since, I have watched with profound interest the expanding activities of this Organization and its efforts to promote peace and progress.
34. We are happy that nineteen more countries have been admitted to the United Nations. To all of them we offer a most cordial welcome. In particular, we are happy to see the representatives of Tunisia, Morocco and the Sudan sitting in this Assembly. With the struggle for independence of Tunisia and Morocco we were actively concerned and we rejoiced in their regaining their independence. With the evolution of the Sudan, we had the honour of being associated in its constitutional transition to full sovereignty. We earnestly hope that before long Japan and the other States that fully qualify under the Charter will also be admitted, so that this Organization will become truly universal, as it was always intended to be. With Japan we have most cordial relations and are anxious to see his great nation play its appropriate part in the world Organization.
35. In view of the enlargement of the membership of the United Nations, it is imperative that provision should be made for greater African-Asian representation on the Security Council. The Pakistan delegation is of the view that a mere redistribution of non-permanent seats on the Council would not serve the needs of the situation. An immediate expansion of the Council is called for. We welcome the initiative taken in this matter by a group of Latin-American States and trust that the great Powers will adopt a sympathetic attitude on this issue so as to permit of the smaller Powers taking a larger part in this most vital sphere of the activities of this Organization.
36. While asking for an increase in the number of non-permanent seats on the Security Council, my delegation is not in favour of increasing the number of permanent seats. The veto is already used far too often and in matters in which it should never be used. My delegation is of the opinion that the time is now ripe when we should give earnest and immediate consideration to a possible reduction in the number of members who can exercise the veto and the occasions on which it can be exercised by those who continue to be permanent members.
37. While we actively support the collaboration of States on a regional basis, as clearly permitted by the Charter, for the promotion of peace and economic development, we should look with apprehension on any development which might tend to divide the United Nations on a racial basis.
38. The principles underlying the Charter being the cornerstones of our foreign policy, we pursue with pacts and agreements, or without them, our ideals of friendship and association with other States that are similarly devoted to the promotion of peace and prosperity. Our collaboration with other countries of our region, our membership of groups and our alliance with the United States are founded on these basic ideals of our foreign policy. These have been reaffirmed by our Prime Minister recently when he said: “Let me make it clear that we are anxious to be on friendly terms with all countries, and chiefly with our neighbours and our brother Muslims. I would lay down as a principle of our foreign policy: good-will towards all and malice towards none. I would seek the co-operation of all, and we shall contribute folly towards maintaining peace. We must abide by our pledged word and agreements. Let it be understood that we mean what we say; that our word is our bond.”
39. Our arrangements and pacts with our neighbours and with other like-minded countries have sometimes been misunderstood and maligned. I take this opportunity to stress that the objective of these arrangements is collective security and economic collaboration, so well prescribed and sponsored by the United Nations Charter. In fact, we have spared no effort to emphasize in these agreements the bias for economic collaboration. We consider these efforts as a link in our chain of policies to develop our natural and human resources through our own effort in association with countries which are in a similar position to ours, and with the assistance of countries which are economically advanced and wish to assist us in our development.
40. Our participation in the Colombo Plan also is of this nature, and we are gratified at the sustained help and collaboration of our associates in this Plan. Here I must refer to the co-operation by the United States in our effort to raise the standard of living of our people. The programme of assistance, reconstruction and development undertaken after the Second World War by the people of this great country is unprecedented in history.
41. The primary task of the United Nations, in conformity with its Purposes and Principles, is the strengthening of international peace and security. At the moment, the general international situation is far from reassuring. Most disturbing is the situation in the Arab world caused by the Arab-Israel dispute. The primary responsibility for this dispute in our opinion rests upon those countries, which voted for the creation of the State of Israel. We have stated this repeatedly in the United Nations. Now the dispute has unfortunately taken the form of an open conflict and warfare. It is a tribute to the United Nations that the statesmanship and wiser counsels of its Members did, after all, succeed in bringing about the cessation of hostilities, and we have been delighted to see the United Nations acting with swiftness and determination. But that is not enough. It is much more important to find a just, an upright and a permanent solution of all issues which, lead to such conflicts. The Arab refugee problem and the continued existence of Israel are the greatest dangers to peace. Israel, an area which, from a mere home for the Jews, has grown into a full-fledged State, has been guilty of constant aggression and expansion with the help of those who created this ulcer in the heart of Arab lands. If we want a permanent solution, this recognition of Israel must be withdrawn.
42. When the great Powers, as in Egypt, are amongst the violators, the task of the United Nations becomes very difficult. But it has been proved on this occasion that the United Nations is now capable of undertaking and enforcing a peaceful solution of any dispute, if we have the will to do our duty.
43. This consideration applies equally to the Hungarian situation. The situation in that country is most poignant. Those who have been struggling in the cause of freedom in that country have already undergone heart-rending misery and suffering. The United Nations must consider how it can move quickly to bring not merely aid and relief, but also to achieve the desired objective for all people in similar circumstances, whenever this struggle may be waged.
44. Hungary is not an isolated case, though at the moment the most striking instance of its kind. These are crucial tests for this Organization. They call for earnest and resolute action.
45. In our efforts to bring about a peaceful and a negotiated settlement of the Suez Canal question, we did not hesitate to take a realistic attitude. We stood up for the legal and sovereign rights, and for the dignity and legitimate aspirations of Egypt. We recognized the need for the free flow of world trade, commerce and economic collaboration, in the larger interest of world peace and prosperity. Consistent with the Purposes and Principles of the United Nations Charter and with our avowed policy to settle international disputes by peaceful means, we deplore the recent development in the Middle East and condemn the unprovoked aggression by three States, an aggression which cannot be justified, whether it was launched to settle the Canal dispute or to stop the spreading of subversion and insecurity in the Arab world and other colonies. We are strongly of the opinion that the rule of law and international justice must prevail, and that the resolutions of this Assembly concerning evacuation of all foreign troops and Canal clearance must be implemented at once. This duty now devolves on the Secretary-General; and we are confident that he will discharge his responsibility immediately.
46. We are deeply concerned about the tragic happenings in Algeria, of whose claim to freedom Pakistan is a staunch supporter. If wiser counsels do not prevail and the forces of repression that have been let loose in North Africa are not checked, the whole of that area will be submerged under chaos and anarchy. In respect of several of these grave situations, this Organization in the past has stood aside helplessly and watched the situation grow worse. My delegation feels that in addition to giving clear directives to the parties concerned in such situations, the United Nations should bring into play its resources of reconciliation, clearly enunciated in its Charter.
47.When conditions arise which call for correction, but are not corrected without loss of time, the elements of a conflict begin to accumulate. Unless these causes are removed or are remedied in time, a conflict becomes inevitable. We regret to find that when it is a question of the settlement of an issue between countries unequal in size and strength, the settlement is seldom achieved through direct negotiations. This naturally gives an opportunity to the wrongdoers to consolidate their wrongful positions.
48. In violation of its commitments to the Security Council, India has recently, through a hand-picked Assembly at Srinigar — sitting under severely repressive conditions — been seeking what is virtually the annexation of Kashmir. If the people of Kashmir want to belong to India, why do they not have a free plebiscite? There are ten Presidents of the Plebiscite Front in gaol, along with a large number of other Kashmir patriots, who oppose integration with India. Today there are at least fifty battalions of the Indian Army occupying that small country. The failure of the Council to resolve the deadlock that has blocked all progress towards the holding of a fair and impartial plebiscite in Kashmir has not served to strengthen the authority or to enhance the prestige of the United Nations. My country has made continued efforts, through reference to this world Organization and in full accord with its decisions and recommendations, to settle our dispute over Kashmir with our neighbour India. It is not a case where there is any difference of opinion about what it is. On that there is complete unanimity. It is a case, unfortunately, of one of the parties concerned arbitrarily obstructing the course of justice enjoined by the consensus of opinion in the United Nations. There the matter stands, mocking and challenging the principles of the Charter to which every single Member of this august Assembly is pledged. I cannot but express our keen disappointment, both with the attitude of India and the inaction of this world Organization in the settlement of this dispute.
49. I believe that if the United Nations could abolish the fear of war, many nations would be able to spare money for economic development. Pakistan is spending 70 per cent of its budget on its defence forces. India is spending the same percentage on her armed forces, which means four times our expenditure. Small nations could cut down this expenditure if it were established that the United Nations would go to war in their defence.
50. It is interesting to note the striking resemblance between the agenda of the first session of the General Assembly and the present one. Curiously enough, both stress the problem of atomic energy and reduction of armaments, not to mention a score of lesser issues which have been discussed year after year. While many of those have not yet been finally disposed of, the record of some shows spectacular success.
51. The one issue before the General Assembly which relates to the basic purposes of the United Nations is disarmament. This aim, which is also the paramount purpose of the United Nations Charter, was written into the Atlantic Charter at a time when the secrets of the atom were still obscure. Scientists have since made tremendous strides and the atom has now thrown a challenge, both as an agent of destruction and as a means of increasing development and prosperity.
52. I confine myself here to the effect which the atom’s dominion over our consciousness had in the field of international diplomacy and on our tackling of the problem of disarmament. That problem has now been under discussion for more than ten years, but agreement has eluded the statesmen working on it. At the same time, the most sceptical among us would have to admit that the gap between positions has considerably narrowed. My delegation fervently hopes that this gap will be bridged. It has to be bridged because the alternative is too frightful to contemplate. Human beings may lack many virtues, but the instinct of self-preservation is strong as a motive force in our actions.
53. Not less important in our programme of economic development and social progress is the contribution made by the Technical Assistance Administration of the United Nations and its allied agencies, particularly the International Labour Organisation, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, the World Health Organization and the United Nations Children’s Fund. Under the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance, a large number of experts are engaged in Pakistan in activities designed to raise production, improve means of transport and communications, raise health and education standards and develop water resources. In East Pakistan, the United Nations experts are working usefully on the Ganges-Kobadak project for irrigation, navigation and power.
54. My delegation is convinced that the establishment of a food reserve is urgently needed to provide assurance, in time of emergency, of an adequate stock of food to prevent distress as well as shortages caused by scarcity. In our opinion, it is necessary to devise a method by which a country may procure food grains to meet a shortage in any one year, without upsetting for that year or the following years its programme of economic development, which would be upset if it had to use its limited foreign exchange resources for importing food. Asian countries could be helped to become self-supporting in food if some of the foreign aid were given in the shape of modern aids to agriculture — for example, tractors. Part of the cultivable land — already much partitioned into small holdings — which at present is given to raising fodder for the oxen would, with the help of tractors, be able to produce much needed food grains. The tractors could be worked on a co-operative basis. Each cultivator could easily afford to pay the hire. Thousands could be purchased privately if we had the foreign exchange. There is no doubt that the position would be the same in many Asian countries.
55. The first step toward solving economic and social problems is to understand their implications. We attach great importance, therefore, to the studies that have been or are being undertaken by the United Nations Secretariat and the Regional Economic Commissions at the request of the Economic and Social Council and other United Nations bodies. The problems that are under study include such questions of paramount interest, not only to Pakistan but to all economically backward areas, as the study for the stabilization of commodity prices, whose fluctuations on the world market would work havoc on our economy. The American accumulated surpluses of cotton are an example. The United Nations technical assistance, loans from the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and advice and assistance from the International Monetary Fund have been an integral part of our economic planning, particularly in the field of agriculture and industry. We record our thanks to their administrations at Headquarters, as well as to their representatives serving in our country.
56. We look forward to the International Finance Corporation for the flow of foreign investment to our country, for which Pakistan’s laws and Pakistan’s tax structure provide encouragement and lasting and profitable employment. We hope that the other similar project of the SUNFED, which has an even greater and more profitable role to play in this field, will materialize soon. We are optimistic in this respect, particularly when we see how speedily the United Nations has realized the importance of economic development of the peaceful uses of atomic energy and how fully nations have collaborated in bringing to fruition the plan put forward in the General Assembly on 8 December 1953 by President Eisenhower [470th meeting]. We are gratified with the results of the United Nations conference which has recently concluded by inaugurating this International Atomic Energy Agency for the peaceful uses of the atom. We look forward to the assistance this Agency will provide in the production of power for industry and in the improvement of agriculture and medicine. Cheap electricity, in my opinion, is a great key to Asian prosperity.
57. We have realized that, in international efforts to prevent war, it is necessary also to encourage and foster social progress and respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms. We have also realized that it is not an easy task and that many hurdles to social progress remain to be overcome. Much has been done, but much more remains to be done. Progress on the Draft International Covenants on Human Rights was slowed down by controversy. This year, however, we adopted the Convention on Slavery which brings up to date the older Convention of 1926 and is a positive achievement.
58. The General Assembly’s prompt action in setting up the United Nations Emergency Force encourages my delegation in the; hope that without undue delay the International force envisaged in Chapter VII of the Charter will be established on a permanent basis for enforcing the rule of law in all international disputes. Even though this permanent international force may not be stronger than the national armed forces, its moral force, with the backing of the whole civilized world, would be an effective deterrent to any potential aggressor. This international force, comprising for the present the units made available to the United Nations by the armed forces of Member States under General Assembly resolution 377 (V), should eventually be recruited and paid for by this Organization and located, under its own commanders, in various strategic areas of the world. The principles which I want to commend to your attention are not novel. Men and nations have sworn by them for ages, but defied them in their practical conduct. These principles have been expounded and acclaimed in this very forum. These principles are no other than the rule of law and justice among nations. In my country, as in any other, the people have believed in and looked to the United Nations as the impartial upholder of the supremacy of law and justice. Unless nations, big or small, which constitute the United Nations, are prepared to work for this end fairly and fearlessly, the future of the world will remain bleak, and the small and the weaker nations will remain subject to the tyranny of the strong.