I should like to begin with a few words of cordial welcome to the delegations of the friendly countries which have recently been admitted to the United Nations. We regret the absence of Viet-Nam and Korea. We hope for the unification of these countries and for their early admission to the United Nations. We also regret the unjustified postponement of the admission of Japan; we trust that Japan will take its place among us this year and enrich our membership with its traditional prestige.
67. We cannot resign ourselves to the partition of Germany. Its unification once achieved, that country, with its glorious tradition of Leibniz, Goethe and Kant, should also be admitted to the United Nations.
68. Permit me to address a few brief words to the delegations of Spain, Portugal and Italy, to which we are bound by ties of blood, religion and culture.
69. Spain, the creator of many nations, occupies a place of honour in the United Nations — that civitas maxima which was visualized by Vitoria and Suarez, the founders of international law.
70. Mankind is indebted to Portugal for the brilliant achievements of its navigators and explorers, and we in America are indebted to Portugal for the Brazilian nation, whose progress we follow with pride.
71. The Roman Empire ostentatiously granted citizenship to assimilated peoples. The Italians of today, carrying their traditional culture to all parts of the world, are assimilated into their adopted countries, thus providing an example of a new conception of the universality of mankind, which preserves due respect for the individual qualities of each country.
72. I should also like to pay my respects to you, Mr. President. In your own person you combine the age-old culture of your country with the best features of Western education. Your brilliant career has been, crowned by another achievement, the Presidency of the General Assembly. From this position, with skill and wisdom, you are presiding over our meetings at a decisive moment for humanity.
73. I also extend my tribute and heartfelt good wishes to our Secretary-General, Mr. Hammarskjold, who has carried our message of justice and peace to the Middle East. We trust that tomorrow he may carry our words of liberty and hope to the people of Hungary.
74. Tension in the individual is caused by the contest between mind and matter; tension in international affairs is caused by the contrast between right and might. The course of civilization has tended to soften this contrast if not to eliminate it. When Europe attained a state of balance, an international order took shape the object of which was to foster good will and honour among nations and which was guaranteed to some extent by the so-called balance of power.
75. It was the tragic destiny of the twentieth century that this system of international relations under law, however imperfect it was, should be destroyed by the First World War. There then arose the desire for a legal system based not on the balance of power but upon strict law and on the rejection of war as an instrument of international policy. After barely fifteen years, an outraged humanity witnessed the revival of the cult of force and the bankruptcy of the organization which was at that time the embodiment of law and order.
76. After an immense sacrifice of life and properly, there was reborn in the minds of all men the longing for a universal system of law supported by provision for enforcement action and based upon agreement between the leading Powers which had been the victors in that war. And so the United Nations came into being, the crowning point of our civilization and the focal point of our hopes. All the smaller Powers of Europe and America became Members. In the process of the liquidation of the old colonial system, countries of Africa and Asia became independent, with the co-operation — it must be admitted — of the Western Powers. The countries of Latin America have greeted with enthusiasm the admission of these new nations to this body.
77. However, we must consider the profound, underlying reality beneath the system established by the Charter. Humanity has always lived on two planes: an ideal plane based on law and another, plane where the struggle for power has raged with ever-increasing intensity, although in a disguised and underground form. Here we have the classic contrast between raw violence and the dictates of justice.
78. The last war, which was fought to defend the independence of Poland and to protect the right of self-determination of the small countries of Europe, unfortunately ended with the extension of the power of Soviet Russia to a line which the Czars themselves had never dreamed of, although, paradoxically enough, it had been foreseen by Marx and Engels, men blind to the power of the spirit but keenly interested in the expansion of physical power.
79. It must be frankly admitted that since the Second World War the world has lived in an atmosphere which has been poisoned by this fundamental evil. The might of a great nation, if unchecked by spiritual factors and democratic institutions — and I repeat, it is necessary for it to be checked by both elements, by spiritual or moral factors and by democratic institutions — has an intrinsic tendency to expand. Soviet Russia was not content with extending its influence to the line which runs from Stettin to the Adriatic; it also sought to extend its power into Europe and Asia, it swallowed up the Baltic republics, it attempted to occupy Iran permanently, it helped the Chinese Communist Party by giving it Manchuria, it supported the invasion of the Republic of Korea, it kept afoot a war of subversion in Greece with the hope of extending its influence to the Mediterranean, and it has tried to extend its power to the Middle East. It disturbed the peace and balance of this uneasy region by a policy of encouraging armament, and while playing this dangerous game of power politics it posed as the defender of self-determination in the Mediterranean. At the same time it denied, as it still continues to deny, this right of self-determination to the countries of Eastern Europe.
80. The Security Council was paralysed by the Soviet Union’s abuse of the veto. This veto was cast eighty times, and I must recall that when the veto power was approved at San Francisco it was conceived not as a privilege but as the mere statement of a dissent after a bona fide attempt to reach unanimous agreement. The Soviet Union refused to co-operate in any way in the establishment of a General Staff for the United Nations and it then obstructed the conclusion of agreements between all the nations and the Security Council, under Article 43 of the Charter, relating to enforcement actions under law.
81. That the United Nations is still alive is a miracle. The only bright spots in the picture are its accomplishments in the economic and technical field and in the protection of children. The loftiness of the purposes of the Organization and the fine principles of the provisions relating to human rights contrast starkly with the brutal conditions under which a considerable part of humanity is living in the largest empire in history, which extends from the Baltic to the Pacific.
82. We read with dismay the recent offer of the Soviet Union on disarmament, an offer in which it states that it could have occupied all Europe if the possibility of using atomic weapons did not exist. This confirms our conviction that the only thing which saved humanity from such a terrible conquest — besides, of course, the heroism of the peoples concerned — was fear of the atomic bomb possessed by the United States. And when the Soviet Union acquired the secret of this invention and the armaments race moved from the field of conventional weapons to that of nuclear weapons, peace was preserved, it is true, but in an unstable and humiliating way, by a kind of mutual fear and hesitation. During this uneasy phase of precarious balance, while total War was apparently being avoided for the moment, Soviet imperialism continued its expansion by waging a war of subversion, by engaging in political infiltration, by making false promises of economic aid, and by tempting other countries with alluring hopes of aggrandizement to alter the international status quo.
83. Fortunately, the United Nations proved equal to its responsibilities and conceived the idea of holding emergency special sessions of the Assembly in cases of failure to act on the part of the Security Council. It organized an international army to defend Korea against aggression, and in every case it adopted resolutions by an overwhelming majority which constituted an appeal to the universal conscience and mobilized the imponderable factor of public opinion. Then gradually and sporadically the international tension began to ease.
84. Unfortunately, there was no frank, noble and decisive change of policy, but only short breathing- spaces which threatened to end at the first favourable moment. In view of the continuation of all these unfavourable factors, and in view of the fact that there was no noble, resolute and straightforward desire to seek peace and agreement, we were not surprised by the tragic crises which rose to confront us both in the Middle East and Hungary — twin crises which the United Nations has met with dignity and justice.
85. So far as the first crisis is concerned, in view of the almost unanimous acceptance of the Assembly’s resolution, we should receive, we hope to receive and ask and claim to receive the co-operation of all the Powers concerned. There is a cease-fire. The contingents of the United Nations Emergency Force are arriving like the heralds of a new era; Peru has offered to contribute to these contingents. We impatiently await the establishment of the peaceful atmosphere which is urgently needed before the great problems of the Middle East can be solved. The first of these problems is that of Israel’s coexistence with the Arab nations, a coexistence which will be possible if both sides observe the Assembly resolution and remember that in the final analysis their interests and destinies are closely interconnected. The second problem is that of the Suez Canal, concerning which the United Nations has decided on some very effective and helpful principles, such as isolation from political influence and respect for the sovereignty and legitimate interests of Egypt. And I should emphasize that the Charter makes international co-operation mandatory in all matters involving the economic and cultural interests of humanity and the very existence of the peoples of Europe and Asia.
86. However, there is another problem which we have unfairly neglected: the internationalization of the Holy Places. Respect for the three great religions demands internationalization, and we should therefore deal with this matter without further delay. I believe that the effective presence of the United Nations in that area would have provided a guarantee of peace and promoted respect for moral authority and law and order.
87. Turning now to other aspects of the serious problem of the Middle East, I must state here that my delegation fully supports the two draft resolutions which the United States delegation proposed during the emergency special sessions of the Assembly for the purpose of achieving a definitive settlement of the problems of that region. We must face the Middle Eastern problem realistically and in the light of these resolutions. Thought should also be given to the idea of United Nations action to carry out, in co-operation with all countries, an intensive programme of economic development and stabilization in that region, which would eliminate the structural factors that seem to have aggravated the crisis there.
88. Since in this case, objective criteria and the lessons of experience coincide with moral imperatives, I believe that if a generous and comprehensive economic policy were worked out, and that if there were large-scale co-operation, in meeting the broad needs of the Middle East, particularly among the Powers which have the economic resources to carry out such a programme, we could invest the peace in that area with an economic stability backed by the guarantees of moral and legal principles.
89. The Soviet leaders, aware that Stalin’s policy of brute force had carried their Administration to unimaginable extremes, took the final step of openly repudiating that policy before mankind, a step the consequences of which they themselves were unable to foresee and which must inevitably increase the longing of those peoples for a new system of government based on freedom and democracy and, above all, on national independence.
90. The incipient crisis in Poland was adroitly evaded. In Hungary, however, the crisis was characterized, by unprecedented tragedy and violence because the Soviet Union, or more properly the leaders of the Soviet Union, insisted on bending all their energies to maintaining the Stalinist regime in Hungary while tolerating its modification elsewhere. To the horror of the world, the Soviet Union took advantage of the situation in the Middle East to carry out, or attempt to carry out, a new conquest of Hungary. It mobilized a vast army of 200,000 men and 5,000 tanks and attempted to drown in blood on? of the finest and most heroic actions in human history.
91. The response, which we must reassert from this rostrum, was one of world-wide protest. From the countries of the north to the countries of the tropics, from the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean, all humanity shares in the sorrows and the sacrifices of Hungary.
92. Speaking with incontestable authority. His Holiness Pope Pius XII asked the Soviet Union to heed the world’s outcry. In the deeply moving eloquence of his most recent address, the Holy Father appealed to all peoples to unite for justice and peace.
93. Dr. Manuel Prado, the President of the Republic of Peru, acting under the authority conferred upon him by the democratic movement which brought him to power and on the precedent of his Government’s participation in the cause of justice in the great war, immediately replied to the message of the Holy Father in these simple words: “I share the anguish of Your Holiness and, in behalf of the Government and people of Peru, I express my firm, determined and absolute support of your call to the Christian and democratic peoples to unite in securing the restoration of dignity and freedom in Hungary.” The Government of Peru, giving expression to the feelings of the Peruvian people, has offered to admit 1,000 Hungarian refugees.
94. Hungary today is not merely a symbol of the principle of national sovereignty, it is the final and supreme test of the existence of an international system of law. The United Nations cannot silently condone overlook the existence of a system irreconcilable not only with law but with basic humanitarian principles. We must examine the crime committed in Hungary and condemn it, we must join together in unceasing protest and we must mobilize world opinion and the moral forces of the world to compel the Soviet Union to allow the establishment in Hungary of a regime worthy of the Charter of the United Nations.
95. In earlier days, the wars waged by national armies, because of the type of weapons used, did not threaten the destruction of the world. There was a whole gamut of situations which could be settled and surmounted. That world no longer exists. Today, as a result of nuclear inventions, we are painfully aware of the impending danger of world destruction. It is in this light, then, that we must consider, in all their ominous consequences, the moves of sectarian international policy and the surreptitious manoeuvres of those who mean to secure expansionist advantages by abusing the good faith and good intentions of nations, while these nations exercise patience in their effort to avoid the catastrophe of war.
96. The conscience of mankind is now rising up against this state of affairs. It has been said — and I have said it here several times — that we small States are as the members of the chorus in a Greek tragedy, impotently watching the approach of destiny with all its tragedy and infamy. But this is not enough: we are unwilling to be mute and impotent witnesses to a tragedy, because we too would be destroyed in such a tragedy. As in the Greek play, all the figures on the stage would be destroyed. This seems to have been overlooked by those who should realize most of all that a spark ignited anywhere in the world can cause a universal conflagration.
97. Since 1946 we have been attempting to work out a plan for the reduction of armaments. According to Article 26 of the Charter this is one of the special functions of the Security Council. In a liberal and generous gesture, the United States was willing, at a time when it had a monopoly of the atom bomb — the history of the year 1946 should be studied in the version of impartial authors — to share it with other Powers, including of course the Soviet Union, with a view to preventing its use except in self-defence or in defence of the principles of the Charter.
98. I shall not at this time recall the sorry history of the opposition offered to the United States gesture by the Soviet Union as it pursued the hope of successfully producing nuclear energy while engaging in a sinister race for power. Every compromise of the Great Powers with the Soviet point of view — and to this I can bear witness, for we have been discussing the matter in the Assembly since 1948 — proved to be futile in the face of an evasive policy which one day, by way of an apparent concession, was in agreement with reduction of conventional armaments and the next day turned about and offered unyielding opposition to the supervision and inspection which are indispensable prerequisites not Only to the reduction of conventional armaments but to the elimination of the atom bomb. The prohibition of a bomb without a treaty, without guarantees or without controls is a prohibition on paper, it is a prohibition in theory or in the abstract, it is a prohibition merely for propaganda, purposes.
99. After long debates and arduous studies and after working actively to carry out the mandate given me by the Assembly when it elected Peru to the Security Council and, by the same token, to the Disarmament Commission, I have reached the following conclusions which I modestly submit to the Assembly: (a) The field of conventional armaments is inseparable from the field of nuclear weapons. Any action undertaken must be carried out simultaneously in both fields, not only as regards reduction preparatory to prohibition but also, and primarily, as regards inspection; (b) Atomic weapons cannot be prohibited by halting production and destroying stockpiles but by providing for effective inspection and control and by granting decisive powers that cannot be paralysed by the veto ; (c) Although the checking of stockpiles is extremely difficult in view of the technical problems involved, negotiations could begin immediately with a view to effecting their destruction on a basis of equality and reciprocity; (d) Aerial inspection cannot be restricted to a specified area, for this would mean that most of Russia and Siberia would still be able to produce and stock nuclear weapons and to erect bases that today, because of effective means of transportation, do not have to be close to the targets against which they are to be used ; it is evident that if the bases are eliminated or placed under supervision, in cases where means of transportation are limited, such inspection would be adequate. However, given modern means of transportation and the fact that the targets are always close, inspection must now be total and absolute; (e) In view of the urgency of the situation — and I would draw the attention of the Assembly to this point — it is imperative, even while a general and comprehensive treaty on the reduction of armaments and the elimination of nuclear weapons is being drawn up, that a commission should immediately be formed to exercise control and to prohibit atomic tests. Such a commission would also be responsible for supervising and co-ordinating the complementary Eisenhower and Bulganin plans and for conducting negotiations with a view to achieving, on a basis of equality and reciprocity, a cessation of the production of atomic weapons and the destruction of stockpiles. A supervisory committee of this type would be a kind of watchman or sentry, an advance guard, so to speak, with the function of solving the most immediate problem, that is to say, control of nuclear tests, for we do not know how far the level of radioactivity has risen in some countries. In some countries, an increase in radioactivity may not constitute a danger; in other areas, however, even the slightest increase might have fatal results.
100. I do not say that we should commit ourselves to unconditional prohibition, leaving the entire matter to good faith when such good faith is non-existent. Nevertheless, a commission should be set up immediately to control these tests and prevent them from being held, or at least limit their scope. The commission would also have the function of sounding warnings when necessary and it would co-ordinate the Eisenhower and Bulganin plans, since there is general acceptance of the Bulganin plan, that calls for inspection at such key points as railway centres or aerodromes.
101. I think I may say that there is hope that the Soviet Union will accept the Eisenhower “open-skies” plan. For the reasons I have set forth and by virtue of reciprocity, considering that the United States is willing to open its skies unreservedly and absolutely, there is no reason for the Soviet Union to open only 800 miles of sky to inspection while keeping the vast expanses of Siberia closed. Unconditional acceptance of the Eisenhower plan, without reservations, would be the greatest evidence of good faith and co-operation.
102. _ To be sure, a policy of reducing armaments and Prohibiting the production of nuclear weapons must never serve as a pretext — or be used as a concession — in order to obtain a free hand iv. matters relating to the sovereignty of nations or to respect for human rights nor in questions bearing on the unification of countries which have been unjustly divided and on free economic co-operation, untrammelled by artificial political barriers and police supervision. The question of armaments must be considered separately and hot as something to be decided in terms of a policy designed to maintain the status qua in opposition to law and morality. We have said on occasion that peace is indivisible; justice, which is the basis of peace, is also indivisible.
103. We are not trying to establish a new balance of power in order to permit imbalances to occur in the sphere of law. A policy of armaments reduction must go hand in hand with a change in the existing situation in a number of countries, a situation which is the result of circumstances which should never be regarded as permanent.
104. In the very grave situation now confronting us, we are sorrowfully witnessing the disappearance of the traditions of what was known as peaceful coexistence and of all attempts at understanding. Acts of force are linked with intemperate words and threats that augur grave conflicts. It is therefore imperative that the unsettled problems be resolved and that we overcome differences which may exist between peoples which cherish democratic institutions and spiritual values, between peoples who — in respect of religion, morality and law — speak the same spiritual language.
105. The harmony of the West is indispensable and it must be restored. Therefore solutions to existing problems must be reached promptly if this harmony is to become a reality. A necessary concomitant of this harmony will be impartial co-operation with all the peoples of Asia and Africa, who are jealously apprehensive of their independence. Such a course is imperative if we are to survive and preserve human dignity. At the, same time, it may be the principal factor in inducing the Soviet Union to change its policy. We have no desire to exclude or isolate the Soviet Union. We want it to be a member of a true brotherhood of man, bound together not only by principles but also by actions.
106. In another debate, the delegation of Peru noted with satisfaction that the Asian and Arab countries condemn the presence of Soviet troops in Hungary. The Peruvian delegation, on the strength of its unexceptionable line of conduct in the Security Council and in the General Assembly, notably in the most recent situation, feels that it is entitled to address an appeal to all those peoples who cannot themselves be the authors of a policy based on power but who can be the victims of such a policy. The only safeguard for the independence and future of these peoples, other than their own heroism, is strict compliance with the principles of the Charter.
107. The Charter is not a mere theoretical pronouncement, less so today than ever before. The Charter and the Organization of the United Nations are living entities and constitute powerful moral realities in our day. If the Organization is zealous and courageous in giving effect to the Charter, the Organization and the Charter will be our strength, our shield and our defence. Collaboration by these Powers in a state based on law and making no distinctions of latitude and longitude is the strongest guarantee against the dangers of tomorrow. Let us not imagine that this guarantee lies in a restoration of the balance of power, let us hot cherish dreamy hopes and illusions and let us not place our trust in the false concepts underlying suspicious friendships. The sole guarantee of the independence of small countries lies in their resoluteness, their courage, their sense of justice and their strict compliance with the principles of the Charter. This is why I was deeply moved by the statement of President Eisenhower — who now, his tremendous personal prestige having been reaffirmed in the recent elections, governs the nation which, as foreseen by de Tocqueville, has become the greatest Power on earth — that he cannot conceive of peace except within the framework of respect for the United Nations and the organs of the United Nations.
108. We therefore have an awareness of belonging today to an institution which holds the fate of the world in its hands. But I hope and believe that the leaders of the Soviet Union will realize it too. Let us set aside the legitimate emotion that may go hand in hand with respect for lofty principles of justice and let us appeal to the understanding of realities often demonstrated by the Soviet leaders. I hope they will realize that, in the prevailing mood of the world where spiritual forces have been awakened and where there is unanimous opposition to all methods of force, it is impossible to pursue a policy which is in conflict with the realities. Blind insistence on such a policy will not be accepted with resignation or silence by humanity or even by the conscience of sane elements among the Soviet people. On the other hand, persistence in this policy will open the way for unforeseen developments, for despair and for unprecedented violence.
109. Perhaps the conviction will take root in the minds of some that the determination to die with dignity does not lead to the grave but to victory. Neither the Soviet Union nor any other country can set itself up against all humanity. To yield to humanity would not mean to become weak and to lose repute but to fulfil an imperative duty and to be worthy of the highest honour. Since my youth I have cherished the deep conviction that two things are inseparable in a noble life: duty and honour.