Other speakers have already expressed the satisfaction which Prince Wan Waithayakon’s election to the Presidency has given to all Members of the Assembly. It is an honour which is richly merited.
180. His election is specially welcome to New Zealand — and to me personally — in view of our close association at several international gatherings. Thailand and New Zealand are partners in the Pacific. We have joined together with other nations in efforts to guarantee the freedom and peace of an area which, not long ago, was the focus of international dispute. Far Eastern tensions which then exercised the world community have fortunately been held in check. It will be the constant endeavour of my Government — by its aid programmes, by a sympathetic understanding of the aspirations of the peoples of Asia, and by vigilance in the defence of freedom — to ensure that these tensions do not again impede the pursuit of objectives to which all Members of the United Nations are pledged.
181. The concern of New Zealand with the maintenance of peace in the Pacific area is a direct one. However, history has also given tragic proof of the importance of the Middle East to our security and communications. Twice in recent times New Zealanders have been called upon to stake their lives and resources in its defence against aggression. Eighty thousand of our soldiers out of a population of less than 2 million fought in the Middle East in the Second World War for the victory which made possible the founding of this Organization.
182. What has happened in the Middle East in recent weeks is of the greatest importance to us. New Zealand’s attitude towards Anglo-French intervention in the recent fighting between Egypt and Israel has already been made clear. From the outset it has had full confidence in the intentions underlying the action taken with France by the United Kingdom. There has been other times when the United Kingdom, virtually alone, has acted in the world interest against odds even heavier than the weight of adverse opinion. Time will show, we believe, that in this case, too, action was taken in the general interest rather than in pursuit of narrow ends. And we are not without hope that, high as the immediate costs may have been, the long-range results both for this Organization and for world peace may yet prove salutary.
183. We consider it a gain that the extent of Soviet penetration in the Middle East, the magnitude of its supply of arms to the area, and the malevolence of its intentions should have been unmistakably exposed, If any Middle East nation, proud as they all are to have thrown off Western control, chooses now to assist the entry into the Middle East of Soviet imperialism, then it will do so with full knowledge of the risks to which it exposes itself and the world.
184. It is a gain that the situation should have provided the stimulus for the creation of a United Nations Force, perhaps the first step towards investing the United Nations with the practical means to make its decisions effective. And it is a gain that it should have at last been brought home that it is time — perhaps the last opportunity — for this Organization to stop backing away front the hard realities and difficulties of the Middle East. For make no mistake, this Organization has backed away.
185. It is true that the responsibility for a lasting settlement of Middle East problems depends, in the long run, on the countries of the area. But there is much that the United Nations can do and might already have done. In 1948, the Palestine Conciliation Commission was established to assist negotiations between Israel and the Arab States. No debate on the work of the Conciliation Commission has been held in the Assembly since the abortive discussions of 1952. With the exception of the refugee question, which is discussed each year as a humanitarian rather than a political problem, no aspect of the Palestine situation, despite its steady deterioration, has been discussed here until the last fortnight — and this, over a period of years in which the inability of the Security Council to act constructively and impartially has become increasingly evident.
186. In 1951 the Security Council passed a resolution [S/2322] stating that restrictions placed by Egypt on shipping to and from Israel were an abuse of the exercise of the right of visit, search and seizure, and called upon Egypt to terminate such restrictions. This resolution, although at once rejected by Egypt, was not followed up until New Zealand presented a draft resolution on the matter in 1954. This was at once subjected to a Soviet veto. That veto was the second “protective veto” cast by the Soviet Union — protective in the sense that, whatever the merits of the case, it was intended to thwart any Security Council action which was unfavourably regarded by the Arab States. Since then, the only resolutions which the Security Council has been capable of adopting have been those containing censure of Israel.
187. Certainly in the past fortnight there has been no disinclination on the part of the majority in the Security Council or the General Assembly to deal with the situation created by the Israel attack on Egypt and the Anglo-French intervention. Certainly, too, there has been no failure on the part of the General Assembly to respond to the admirable and imaginative proposal of the Minister of External Affairs of Canada for the creation of a United Nations Emergency Force. I well understand, too, that the Assembly’s consideration of the Middle East problem has been restricted by the need concurrently to examine the problem of Hungary. And I am aware that, while the two United States draft resolutions [A/3272, A/3273] relating to long-term aspects of the Palestine problem were shelved by the first emergency special session of the Assembly, there is provision and opportunity at this Assembly for consideration of the basic elements of the whole Palestine problem. Nevertheless, I am not alone, I think, in detecting already a reluctance in some quarters to extend our work from the study of effects to the study of causes, and to accept the responsibility from which we have retreated in recent years. It was with this in mind that the New Zealand representative, Sir Leslie Munro, proposed on 1 November 1956 [562nd meeting] that the whole problem of Arab-Israel relations should be fully and effectively considered at the present Assembly.
188. Let us be quite clear: whatever the familiarity of certain of its elements, the issue before us is not stale and outworn. As it confronts us today, the Palestine problem is not the problem as it existed in 1949, following the conclusion of the Armistice Agreements. In respect of the Suez Canal, the question of Egyptian interference and the restrictions on Israel shipping has been absorbed in the more serious possibility that similar restrictions and interference may, to suit the interests of Egypt and at its will, be levelled against any user of the Canal.
189. Similarly, the question of a peace settlement between Israel and the Arab States has been coloured and transformed by developments of the past seven years. In consideration of a final settlement, account must now be taken of the following: the diminishing relevance to existing conditions of certain provisions of the Assembly resolutions of 1947 and 1948; Israel’s successful consolidation of the statehood conferred on her by this Assembly and the clear evidence of her determination to maintain it; the declared intention of Colonel Nasser to destroy Israel and the apparent willingness of the Soviet Union to assist that objective; the manifest inadequacy as permanent frontiers of the armistice lines agreed on in 1949; the continued existence of the refugees in conditions of wretchedness and the disinclination of either side, Arab or Israel, to make the political decisions which would assist the alleviation of their suffering; the emergence of an imperative need for unified development of the water resources of the Jordan Valley; the record of Security Council decisions with relation to Suez Canal traffic, frontier incidents and projects on the River Jordan ; and, finally, Israel’s recent attack on Egypt.
190. My Government has always taken the view that by its decision in favour of the creation of Israel, this Assembly assumed obligations in regard to the future development of relations between Israel and her Arab neighbours. It is now time, we think, to draw the proper lessons from the history of this Organization’s association with the Palestine situation. Surely one of those lessons is that the absence of open warfare is no assurance of peace. The primary obligation of the United Nations is to see that peace — a just peace — is preserved. It is not enough for this purpose to hold the ring, to examine and discuss recurring abuses of armistice agreements. The Organization must be resolute and determined in its search for a permanent solution.
191. In the view of my delegation, this Assembly should now frame recommendations on the Palestine problem and should at the same time decide what obligations it is prepared to assume in order to give them meaning. It is obvious that the situation which will prevail when the United Nations has a force in the Middle East capable of taking over from the forces of the United Kingdom and France will not be static but dynamic. It is obvious too that unless steps are taken to make that situation better, it will get worse.
192. Clearly the ultimate responsibility in this situation rests, and must rest, with the States concerned. The Arab States, we believe, must accept Israel; whatever her transgressions, Israel is a State, a Member of this, Assembly, virtually the creation of this Assembly, whose extinction this Assembly cannot and, I believe, will not, tolerate. But if there is an obligation upon the Arab States to accept Israel, there is an equal or perhaps a greater obligation on Israel to make herself acceptable to the Arab States. There are immediate steps which it would be both generous and wise for Israel to take. At the present time there is special need for restraint and generosity in the administration of the Gaza strip. And beyond that, I have particularly in mind arrangements for the payment of compensation and an undertaking, within the framework of an over-all settlement, to readmit a significant number of refugees.
193. It is in assisting reconciliation of the two sides, inducing them to meet together and negotiate, that my delegation believes the Assembly can play its most important part. We are accordingly in agreement with the purpose of the two United States draft resolutions submitted here on 3 November. We favour a serious and immediate effort by the Assembly to formulate proposals on the basis of which a lasting reconciliation might be achieved. Greater Powers and lesser Powers, those directly concerned and those who are not — we must all be prepared to accommodate our interests to the purpose and our views to the realities of the situation.
194. I join in the tributes which have been paid to the devotion to duty of the Secretary-General. In a series of protracted crises, he has had to remove himself austerely from all national considerations and has had to endeavour to guide sovereign States towards peace and harmony. Few men at this time bear a heavier load of both the cares and the hopes of the world.
195. This is an interdependent world and it is a world of change. In the thoughtful introduction to his annual report, the Secretary-General said: “We live in a period of fundamental and rapid changes in the relationship of nations and peoples having differing cultures and social systems. The new age that is emerging is an age of promise. It could also become one of disaster. We are seeking to cope with world issues of great difficulty but equally of high challenge. The hope of finding peaceful, just and constructive solutions of these issues rests upon our ability to foster the growth of understanding co-operation and mutual accommodation of interests among all nations.” [A/3137/Add 1, p. 1]
196. May I emphasize the words “understanding, cooperation and mutual accommodation”. It is easy in a world of change to dwell primarily on the necessity to accept change. Indeed, the changes in the last ten years have few, if any, precedents in history. New, independent States have risen to take their place in the United Nations and, under the inspiration of liberal ideals, economic and social co-operation for the welfare of the individual has taken dramatic steps forward. These changes we welcome and support. But we must not mistake anarchy for progress, any more than we must confuse progress with the hollow misrepresentation of fundamental democratic principles.
197. Colonel Nasser’s nationalization of the Universal Suez Canal Company is a significant example of such confusion. I have no intention here of entering into a discussion of the legal merits of that action, although I believe them to be slender. The special significance of Colonel Nasser’s action was, however, that it rejected the concept of the interdependent world. Indeed, it flew in the face of wise advice given by Colonel Nasser’s predecessor, General Neguib. In his book published a year or two ago, General Neguib said: “Today we are at last in a position to reclaim the national sovereignty of which we have so long been deprived. But if we are to assert it successfully, we must conform to cosmopolitan standards of behaviour. Otherwise we may find ourselves in an unequal conflict with the world powers whose strategic interests are involved in the Suez Canal.” I might add, by way of comment, that the international interests involved in the Suez Canal are in no way solely strategic. Economic interests and the welfare of many countries, both European and Asian, are concerned.
198. Invoking the national interest of Egypt, Colonel Nasser seized a utility in which for ninety years the principle of impartial international service had received the highest form of expression. His action was a breach of those relations of confidence and trust which can alone provide the basis of economic and social advancement everywhere. Its import for the under-developed countries is clear. Anarchy, not progress, will result from the summary destruction or confiscation of all that the Western world has contributed in skills, facilities and knowledge to the economic, social and cultural progress of nations which have recently achieved political independence.
199. If we are to avoid anarchy, if we are to achieve a peaceful, ordered progress towards the objectives of human welfare which are now within mankind’s capacity, conditions of confidence and trust must be cultivated. This imposes heavy responsibilities on all the Members of the United Nations in the pursuit of what they deem to be their national rights and interests.
200. If a legal right is claimed but disputed, then it is desirable that confirmation be sought from the highest international tribunal, the International Court of Justice. If the right is confirmed or unchallenged, there may still be other interests to be recognized and certain standards of international conduct to be observed in the exercise of the right. If the matter comes before this Organization, it behooves all of us to weigh carefully the expression of our views.
201. There is one other essential condition of progress — respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. The Charter proclaims this purpose; but the world has just witnessed in Hungary the ruthless and cynical suppression of a people's struggle for these rights and freedoms. The peoples of the world have not been unconscious of the denial of freedom to those forced to live under the Communist regime; but they have nevertheless been shocked and appalled by the barbarity of this action. Our sympathy goes out to the people of Hungary. They should know that their heroic struggle has not been in vain. Free people everywhere now know, as they have long suspected, that the facade of Soviet unity is fragile and can be maintained only by secret police and Russian arms. The struggle to cast off this new colonialism may not yet have fully succeeded but it has set in motion forces which tyranny cannot quell. The day will yet come, I believe, when this Assembly will welcome here the representatives of a truly independent Hungary. For its part, the Assembly has condemned this latest act of Soviet imperialism and in due course will, I trust, deny in the clearest language the claim of the Soviet Union to parade as the champion of freedom.
202. The situation in Hungary has given poignant significance to the work of one of the United Nations agencies and has once again directed attention to the plight of those many thousands of people who have been driven from their homelands and have not yet found permanent homes and security elsewhere.
203. It will be the duty of this Assembly to appoint a successor to the late Dr. van Heuven Goedhart. I have already conveyed to the Secretary-General the sense of grief with which my colleagues and I heard of his death. His devotion to the cause of the refugees was an inspiration to all associated with him, and the question has naturally been asked how we might best mark his services to the United Nations. His contribution was unique in that he offered a permanent solution to a, vexed problem of human suffering. He asked from the Members of this, Organization only that they should contribute the relatively modest funds necessary to enable him to carry out the Assembly’s mandate. New Zealand is one of the Members to have responded to this appeal. But because the funds available have fallen short of those requested, refugees for whom there were firm programmes of resettlement still await the opportunity to start a new life. I should like to leave this suggestion with the Assembly. Would not the most permanent memorial to the late High Commissioner — and the one of which he would most approve — be a contribution by all Members of the funds necessary for the successful conclusion of the programme undertaken under his guidance and inspiration?
204. In making this suggestion I am heartened by the wide support accorded to the work of the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the activities of the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance. Although, as always, the generosity of the United States in support of these programmes has been unbounded, both are now truly international in character. It is easy for the Assembly to accept the fact that the contributions of the great Western Powers will be the mainstay of its aid and relief programmes. However, it is the view of my Government that it is not unreasonable to ask for the general participation of Members in these programmes. New Zealand has translated this opinion into practice by its own contribution to UNICEF, to the technical assistance funds, to the United Nations Korean Reconstruction Agency, to the United Nations Refugee Fund, and to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East. I recognize that many of the contributions from Members I would have to be small in amount; but I believe that, if all gave something, that fact would have a special significance in emphasizing the international character of the programmes initiated by the Assembly.
205. I referred earlier to the Colombo Plan. Many representatives will know that this had its origin in and took its name from, a meeting of Commonwealth Foreign Ministers in Colombo, Ceylon, in January 1950. The original Commonwealth members have since been joined by Burma, Cambodia, Indonesia, Japan, Laos, Nepal, Philippines, Thailand, United States and Viet-Nam. In one sense, the Colombo Plan is an aid programme under which those able to do so provide capital assistance and technical training and advice to the countries of South and South-East Asia. But the Plan is much more than this; its basic concept is free international cooperation.
206. New Zealand’s capital assistance, granted at the rate of £1 million each year, has so far contributed to the development of health services, agriculture, irrigation, education and industry in Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, India, Indonesia, Nepal and Pakistan. It has also, however, enabled us in New Zealand to gain understanding of the immense problems facing these countries and has, we believe, strengthened our mutual ties of friendship and common interest. This understanding has been consolidated by the mutual discussion of projects, by the annual review undertaken by the Ministers of participating countries, and by the interchange of experts and fellowship-holders. New Zealanders have already welcomed more than 300 of these fellowship-holders from twelve countries of South and South-East Asia and hope in the future to welcome many more.
207. Next month it will be the privilege of my country to act as host to the meeting of Ministers from the States members of the Colombo Plan. Among them will be several whose countries were last year admitted to membership of the United Nations. I wish to join with others who have preceded me in this debate in extending a welcome to them and to those other new Members whose established right to representation was for so long denied. At the tenth session and in the final weeks of New Zealand’s term as a member of the Security Council, my delegation was able to play its part in putting an end to this long-standing injustice. The satisfaction which followed this result was, however, tempered by the exclusion of Japan from membership through the opposition of the Soviet Union. At this stage I shall do no more than reaffirm the view of my Government that Japan, with whom we enjoy the most friendly relations, is fully qualified to be a Member of the United Nations and that its qualifications should be forthwith recognized in a favourable recommendation from the Security Council.
208. In his report, the Secretary-General has indicated the various problems with which this Assembly must deal, in one way or another, as a result of the increase in membership. One of these concerns the size of the principal organs of the United Nations. It is natural and proper that those Members admitted within the last year should wish to participate directly and without delay in the different activities of the Organization. I trust I will not be misunderstood if I express the hope that, before taking action, the Assembly will examine with every care and on its merits each of the proposals submitted to it. In the work of the Councils, regard must be paid to efficiency and economy of operations as well as to other factors such as geographical representation. My delegation does not deny the justification for a moderate increase in representation in some cases; it does, however, express the hope that priority will be given to substantive considerations rather than to any mathematical equation in determining the constitution of the principal organs. A cautious approach to this question does not involve the denial of participation in the functions of the United Nations.
209. If any complaint can be made, it is that the range and complexity of these functions exceed the capacity of all but a few delegations. Moreover, in today’s world the activities of the Organization are always changing and expanding. Only a month has passed since this hall witnessed the establishment, by unanimous agreement, of a new Agency dedicated to the peaceful exploitation of atomic energy. The New Zealand Government has every confidence that this Agency will match in its achievements the accomplishments of the International Labour Organisation, the World Health Organization and the other specialized agencies which have proved so conclusively the value of peaceful international co-operation.
210. I shall not comment on the other problems — administrative, budgetary and organizational — with which the Assembly will have to deal. It is pertinent to remark, however, that the consideration of these questions now will not be definitive for the future. Already potential new members must be recognized. My delegation for its part looks forward with the keenest anticipation to co-operating in this Assembly with these new States and particularly with those emerging to statehood within the Commonwealth. With the Federation of Malaya we have already established the most friendly contacts. As a member of the Trusteeship Council, New Zealand has taken a special interest in the recent evolution of the Trust Territory of British Togoland towards a new independent status as part of Ghana. My delegation will support the adoption by this Assembly of the resolution which will mark the fulfilment by the Administering Authority of its responsibilities under the Trusteeship Agreement.
211. Clearly the problem of adjustment to which the Members of the United Nations must now accommodate their actions is and will be a progressive affair. If this adjustment is to be fruitful, each decision must reflect the need for understanding, co-operation and mutual accommodation. None recognizes more keenly than I do that in the conditions under which this Assembly has met, this exercise of restraint will impose heavy burdens on all of us. But let us not forget that the attention of the world is today focussed on our deliberations. The peoples of the United Nations will not be satisfied, nor will their future be safeguarded, by the mere adoption of resolutions or by the adoption of temporary expedients. The solutions to the issues which threaten the peace must be lasting. That is the challenge to this Organization.