20. Like so many other things in a world of rapid development, world opinion on the United Nations is subject to the law of change. Today it looks as if two currents are converging. Those who from the outset adopted a reserved and skeptical attitude towards the potentialities of the United Nations are becoming alive to the significance of the world Organization; and those who saw in the establishment of the United Nations a guarantee for the solution of all problems, and, in their overestimation of its possibilities, put their faith entirely in the Organization, are now realizing that the United Nations, like all other work of man, is imperfect. Those two currents are today merging into a more realistic evaluation of the United Nations, its potentialities and its limitations. This is, I think, a very positive trend holding out good prospects for the future of the United Nations. And, speaking of the future of the United Nations, I wish to say that it is my Government's earnest hope that we shall not in the future miss Secretary-General U Thant's inestimable services to the Organization.
21. There are many questions on the agenda to which my country attaches importance and which we shall comment upon when they are taken up in the Committees. My remarks here will be confined to a few key issues.
22. When we look at the world situation and the prospects for continued peace, there is one question which overshadows all others — the conflict in Viet-Nam. This conflict cannot be solved by military means. This is a political problem, and only through negotiations will it be possible to reach a settlement that will secure lasting peace in South-East Asia and respect for the fundamental rights of the Viet-Namese people.
23. Self-determination for the people of South Vietnam can be secured only by bringing all foreign intervention to an end. This implies a general ceasefire and the withdrawal of all foreign forces. General elections and, eventually, a free decision on the question of reunification must follow. These elections must be internationally controlled and organized by an administration in which all parties can have reasonable confidence,
24. The wider political issues require that the withdrawal be phased, balanced and controlled by some kind of international presence. A control machinery exists today under the Geneva Agreements, but it is conceivable that at some stage this machinery would have to be substantially reinforced and, perhaps, placed under a wider international authority such as the United Nations. If the United Nations is called upon to assume that role, I feel convinced that many Member States will be prepared to contribute personnel, equipment and money. Denmark will certainly be among them.
25. My Government agrees with the Secretary-General that three steps are required to bring about a situation congenial to negotiations. There are: the cessation of the bombing of North Viet-Nam; the scaling-down of all military activities in South Viet- Nam; and the willingness of all sides to enter into discussions with those who are actually fighting. Although my Government would have liked to have a more detailed definition of some points, we see in Mr. Goldberg's important statement a considerable approximation to the Secretary-General's three-point programme, which we support. The next step ought now to be taken by the Hanoi Government, and we join in the appeal to that Government for a positive response. At the same time, we appeal to those Governments that have friendly contacts with Hanoi to use their good offices in this respect.
26. One of the factors responsible for the inability of the United Nations to act in the Viet-Nam conflict is the non-representation in the Organization of the world's largest nation, the People's Republic of China. If the Peking Government had been admitted to the United Nations at an earlier time, that might have helped avert the developments we are witnessing in China today. China's isolation - whether it is considered to be a result of external pressure or to be self-chosen, or both — has created in China, where recollections of former humiliations are strong, a mentality which must be of deep concern to us all and revive memories of dark years in the history of mankind. If the crucial problems of the world are to be resolved, the isolation of China must be broken, and it is up to us to take the first step to break it. We can contribute thereto by recognizing the right of the 700 million Chinese to be represented in our midst. But that does not, in itself, solve the problem. It is essential that China herself recognize the importance of participating in world co-operation in the interests of humanity and peace.
27. My Government shares the regrets which the Secretary-General expresses in his annual report [A/6301] that the Organization's financial deficit has not been liquidated and that the report of the Special Committee on Peace-keeping Operations reflects the continuing failure to agree on basic principles.
28. Concerning the financial situation of the United Nations, I shall say only this: it is well known that some nations, including my own, have already made substantial voluntary contributions, while others have not yet fulfilled their promises in that respect. We trust, however, that they will do so now that the ad hoc Committee has presented a detailed analysis of the Organization's financial situation and that a large measure of agreement has been reached as to the present deficit.
29. With regard to the basic principles for financing and initiating peace-keeping operations it appears that we shall have to continue for some time our studies and negotiations in order to reach broad agreement, but I wish to warn against pressing for a solution that could not meet with the approval of a large majority, including the permanent members of the Security Council.
30. Although the general situation is far from satisfactory, it may not be quite as bad as it looks. It is often easier to reach some kind of agreement on practical measures than on principles. I am confident that the existing discord will not prevent the staging in the future of any operation considered necessary by a large majority of the membership.
31. The peace-keeping efforts of the United Nations are not limited to peace-keeping operations in troubled areas. There is a much wider field of peace-keeping: in the matter of relations between States and in the peaceful settlement of disputes — activities from which the United Nations cannot and should not disinterest itself.
32. While this wider field may sometimes have been neglected, it has recently been taken up by a number of States. I am thinking of resolution 2129 (XX) last year, sponsored by Romania, on "Actions on the regional level with a view to improving good neighbourly relations among European States having different social and political systems", I am thinking also of the proposal of Czechoslovakian "Consideration of principles of international law concerning friendly relations and co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations". And I am thinking specifically of the proposal of the United Kingdom concerning peaceful settlement of disputes. In our opinion all these proposals deserve careful consideration, and may I add that in spite of the regrettable halt in relaxation of international tensions which we have witnessed for some time, I feel confident that, in Europe in particular, there are good prospects for wiser co-operation.
33. I have no wish to go into detail here and now about conditions in the southern part of Africa, but shall confine myself to one or two comments of a general nature to explain the attitude taken by my country. Last year, Denmark voted in favour of a resolution [2054 (XX)] inviting the attention of the Security Council to the following three points: that the situation in South Africa constitutes a threat to international peace and security; that action under Chapter VII of the Charter is called for in order to solve the problem; and that universally applied economic sanctions are the only means by which to attain a peaceful solution.
34. May I say first of all that in voting for that resolution we did in no way depart from the principle of the Charter that action under Chapter VII can be taken only by the Security Council, not by the General Assembly. What happened was that the Assembly made its opinion on this question known to the Security Council and made certain recommendations. It is for the Security Council to decide whether it will endorse that opinion and take steps in accordance with the recommendations.
35. The second question on which I should like to comment is that of the means to be applied. We have made it clear that, in our opinion, the proper means are economic sanctions, as explicitly provided for by the Charter. However, we must make it quite clear once again that that road will be impracticable and that there will be no sense in applying sanctions so long as the major trading partners — in this case, of South Africa — do not co-operate. We shall get no further by just adopting resolutions. The countries which most openly and decisively called for sanctions must now turn their minds to the technical aspects of such measures. The expert committee set up by the Security Council (resolution 191 (1964)) to deal with this question made little headway because the experts were much too dependent on the political views of their Governments. We consider it important, however, that the report be considered by the Council in the near future.
36. A major obstacle to the implementation of sanctions is that they would inflict heavy economic losses on certain countries. It will get us nowhere to dismiss that argument. Whether we like it or not, it will remain a major political obstacle to the application of sanctions, and we shall, therefore, have to deal with it on a technical basis. I suggest that the solution to that problem be found in the principle of an equitable distribution of burdens, and when I speak of the economic burdens I have in mind particularly the economic losses of those countries to which the implementation of a resolution on sanctions would mean the breaking off of important and long-established trade relations. If we sincerely wish to take a practical approach with regard to the implementation of sanctions, I suggest that the problem of the distribution of the burden be considered, Those countries which have made it their policy to call persistently for sanctions must be prepared to bear their share. My country will consider any proposal to that end in a most positive spirit.
37. Although the disarmament negotiations at Geneva during the past year did not lead to any agreement on halting the arms race, the differences were brought out clearly and a wealth of constructive proposals for overcoming them were presented as an appropriate basis for political decisions. To me, this proves once again how useful it is to have a standing disarmament conference being able carefully and thoroughly, and with technical expertise, to analyse the problems in all their aspects, thus preparing them for political decision.
38. There is one proposal which, to me, is particularly interesting and which I therefore hope will be followed by the Eighteen-nation Committee on Disarmament, and that is the proposal tabled at the unofficial conference at Scarborough in June of this year for a |time-limited moratorium on underground nuclear weapon tests combined with the implementation, on an experimental basis, of the verification by challenge procedure suggested by Sweden.
39. Against the background of the clarification of positions which, in my opinion, the past session at Geneva has succeeded in achieving, I wish to make an urgent plea to the major Powers to agree, in a spirit of compromise, on the disarmament steps which are most urgently needed — agreements on the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons and on the banning of underground test explosions of such weapons. That would provide a substantial basis for relieving the world of the paralysing threat of atomic warfare. In the meantime, we would naturally support the proposal [by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics contained in its draft resolution [A/C.1/L.368] which appeals to all States to refrain from any action which may hamper the conclusion of an agreement on nonproliferation.
40. In its efforts to discharge its responsibilities, the United Nations has in recent years trodden new paths and has thus nourished the hopes of mankind for a better world, based on law and order. The aims of the Organization must be pursued and the means to achieve them must be applied with vigour and persistence. But we must keep in mind that in the present form of international co-operation, political consensus is the vital precondition for achievements. Political consensus is not found, it can be created only through a constant probing of its limits and the application of equal amounts of realism and idealism.