141. As this debate proceeds, two dark menacing clouds dominate the political horizon: the war in Viet-Nam and the situation in Southern Africa. Against this background, it is only natural that we should discuss these matters here as extensively as has been the case. If the United Nations is to continue as an effective instrument for international co-operation aiming at increased security for all Member States, then we must face squarely every situation that endangers peace.
142. The war that now rages in Viet-Nam brings untold suffering and destruction to the people of that country. Villages fall into ruins. Wreckage, ashes, burning crops, mutilated, homeless human beings — this is the face of war. This tragic conflict also constitutes a threat to peace in all Asia and possibly in the whole world. How are we to break this chain of events which accompany and provoke each other with the terrifying logic of a Greek tragedy?
143. This debate has developed into a veritable poll of international public opinion. The result is an overwhelming "no" to a continuation of the conflict and an affirmative reply in favour of a return to the basic principles of the Geneva Agreements, now reinforced by guarantees that they will, in fact, be honoured by all parties concerned.
144. On one point everybody seems to be agreed. It is for the people of South Viet-Nam themselves to decide their own future, their form of government and social structure. The question of the unification of the whole country should be kept open to be decided by the people themselves. The difficulty is, as we all know, to bring about conditions which will ensure that the result of a popular consultation is recognized by all as a true expression of the popular will. No real consultation can take place with credible results in the presence of foreign troops and in circumstances of intimidation and terror. The crux of the matter, in my view, is that the North is unwilling to engage in talks with the other party until it trusts the sincerity in the American declarations about willingness to withdraw and to respect the neutrality of South Viet-Nam once peace has been restored. The Americans on their side are unwilling to commit themselves to a time-table for withdrawal without previous guarantees that the people of South Viet-Nam are allowed to express their own will freely and under appropriate international supervision. It is this vicious circle of mistrust that has to be broken.
145. As to the concrete conditions for bringing about a situation where negotiations may prove possible, we share the views repeatedly expressed by the Secretary-General. First of all, the bombing of North Viet-Nam must cease. It is evidently difficult for the opponent to go to the conference table while subjected to a continuous pounding from the air. Since a cessation of the bombing might provide a key to a peaceful solution, that key must be tried again,
146. Secondly, further escalation of the war must be avoided and a gradual reduction of military activities be initiated. The United States has offered to withdraw its forces as others withdraw theirs. That is an offer that must be seriously considered by all concerned. We have held for a long time that a military de-escalation must begin at some stage as a preliminary to, or an accompaniment of, a meaningful dialogue between the parties. In view of the special nature of this war it must be recognized that the difficulties are formidable, if one asks for exact symmetry as to timing and numbers. Is it unreasonable to suggest that the party disposing of a clear numerical superiority take the first step? Is it then unreasonable to suggest that a response be given by the other party?
147. Thirdly, it is obvious that all belligerent parties, thus also the National Liberation Front, should participate in the negotiations if these are to lead to a durable solution.
148. The important statement made by the representative of the United States in this debate [1412th meeting] encourages me to believe that a solution along those lines will ultimately prove to be within the realm of the possible. The United States has expressed its desire to see the conflict ended. If the conditions mentioned by the Secretary-General are fulfilled, then the hope will grow that peace in freedom will some time come to the people of Viet-Nam who now only know the horrors of war. In their interest, and in the interest of the whole world, an end must be put to this cruel war.
149. Inevitably, in any discussion of the situation in South-East Asia, one has to remark on the fact that the Government of the People's Republic of China is not represented in the United Nations. It cannot be in the interest of our Organization that a Government that for almost two decades has ruled the mainland of China should not also be allowed to take China's place in the United Nations.
150. I now turn to the other heavy cloud looming over the political horizon: the situation in southern Africa. We are confronted with a set of interrelated problems arising from developments in that entire area. If the illegal Smith regime in Southern Rhodesia had not been able to count on understanding and sympathy from the white minority in South Africa, it probably would not have dared to break openly with the United Kingdom Government. If Portugal had not had friends in Pretoria, the possibilities of convincing the Lisbon Government that its colonial policy belongs to a bygone era might have been greater. If the South African Government had not been so blind in its racial policy,
the problem of South West Africa would not have reached such a tragic and critical stage.
151. The various problems of southern Africa must be tackled in turn, using the means at our disposal. With regard to Southern Rhodesia, we find it inconsistent with our ideas to call for the use of force in order to solve a difficult problem of international significance. But we do consider that the weapon in the United Nations arsenal called economic sanctions could and should be used fully, something which has not yet been the case. When the Security Council recommended sanctions against the Smith regime after its illegal declaration of independence [resolutions 217 (1965) and 221 (1966)] my Government, immediately and as a matter of course, complied with that recommendation. Sweden at once broke off all relations with the Rhodesian regime. This reaction followed from our conviction that sanctions must be applied completely and consistently if they are to succeed. Furthermore, Sweden had since the beginning of the crisis found it justified to describe the situation in Southern Rhodesia as a threat to international peace and security, that is to say as a situation which might call for action under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter.
152. Obviously the slow effect of the sanctions recommended by the Security Council is due to the fact that the recommendation has been largely ignored by South Africa and Portugal and that it does not seem to have been consistently applied by a number of other countries. There is little chance of achieving a satisfactory result if we content ourselves with the present recommendation. The Swedish Government maintains its opinion that the Security Council would be justified in deciding upon mandatory economic sanctions in the case of Southern Rhodesia.
153. With regard to South West Africa, the Swedish Government contends that South Africa by its deeds has forfeited every right to administer that Territory. We also consider that the time has now come for the United Nations to draw the proper conclusions from this and to revoke the Mandate. How the United Nations should act thereafter to fulfil in actual practice its responsibility for the Territory, until the population there can exercise its right to self-determination, is, in our view, a question that should be carefully studied and considered.
154. The common denominator for all problems in southern Africa remains, however, as I have just said, the policy of racial repression that the South African Government has made into a dogma. While the rest of the world has realized the necessity of equitable and harmonious relations between different races, the ruling minority in South Africa clings to the belief that remnants of old-time colonialism can be preserved in southern Africa. The United Nations places this question prominently on its agenda not only because it is a source of tension and disquiet in an important part of the continent of Africa; what is at stake is in reality something even more serious - coexistence in the future of different races in the whole world, a world where the population explosion will create a continuous and rapid increase of contacts between all races and nations. Against that background, my Government is of the opinion that the problem of apartheid must be considered as a threat to international peace and security.
155. I should like, therefore, to emphasize once more how necessary it is that the Security Council should tackle the problem anew as soon as possible and try to find a solution. The report of the Expert Committee on sanctions has been before us for over a year now. It should be considered as a matter of urgency by the Council. In particular, a study should be made of the problem of equitable sharing of the economic burdens resulting from sanctions and falling heavily on certain countries. The Swedish delegation has already focused attention on this problem, last year. I believe that we are dealing here with a question of central importance, if we wish to increase the United Nations capacity to remove threats against peace. We all know that in the case of South Africa large economic interests are involved. I am convinced, however, that it would be possible, through international co-operation and solidarity, to overcome the economic consequences. In a universal perspective, these economic obstacles do not appear insurmountable.
156. The efforts undertaken by the United Nations for helping the victims of apartheid and for training deserve the whole-hearted support of Member countries. Sweden is prepared to continue and increase its contributions to these activities. Along with the other Nordic countries, we shall make proposals regarding co-ordination of the various programmes in order to achieve the highest possible efficiency.
157. We are glad to note that in spite of the increased international tension, caused largely by the war in Viet-Nam, no raising of the political temperature in Europe has been registered. The present situation in Europe is characterized by increased mobility and rapidly increasing contacts between all countries, not least between the Eastern and Western European peoples. We in Sweden consider this trend desirable and worth encouraging.
158. In another field also, efforts to achieve a detente are being carried on. I refer to the problem of disarmament. During the past year, the question of non-dissemination of nuclear weapons occupied most of the time and efforts of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament at Geneva. The principal remaining question, that of nuclear sharing within military alliances, remains unsolved, but the respective positions have become more clearly defined. We hope that further progress will be possible, perhaps even during this session.
159. The non-aligned delegations in Geneva have concentrated their efforts on certain other partial measures which might be of importance in stopping the further spread of nuclear weapons as a form of national production and which would at the same time involve certain obligations on the part of the nuclear Powers also. National production of nuclear weapons would, of course, become impossible if there were a test-ban treaty covering all tests and a ban on production of fissionable material for military purposes.
160. Much of the preparatory work for a comprehensive test-ban treaty is already completed. My country has worked together with seven other nonnuclear Powers to bring about an international exchange of seismological data. We think that this work might significantly facilitate the completion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty.
161. We have noted with disappointment that the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament has again not been in a position to report any concrete results, We are convinced, however, that that committee is a valuable forum for technical discussions to prepare the ground for agreements, and an instrument for reminding the great Powers of their particular responsibilities. In other words, we suggest that its mandate be renewed.
162. Only two nuclear bombs have ever been used in war. But the memory of these events is still strong. As time passes and a new generation grows up, however, there may be a tendency to forget or underestimate the horrors of a nuclear war. The true nature of the danger that threatens us must be known and understood, We therefore think that the Secretary-General has acted wisely in proposing an extensive study of the impact and implications of nuclear weapons against the background of the rapid development of modern technology [see A/6301/Add.1, p. 4].
163. I should like to say a few words specifically about the subject of peace-keeping operations. The Special Committee that was set up last year [see resolution 2006 (XIX)] to review the whole question has not reached any result. Its proceedings have reflected a certain amount of apathy and, in any case, considerable reluctance on the part of the smaller Powers to commit themselves on questions where the opinions of the great Powers differ. All this is surely disappointing. It is the view of the Swedish Government that the General Assembly, and also other organs of the United Nations, should devote great and continued attention to this matter and make new attempts to improve the capacity of the United Nations to work actively in the interest of peace. The timing and the setting for such attempts should be carefully considered. What is important above all is that nothing should be done to detract from the fund of experience and practice acquired during many years. If we were to let it be understood that no new peace-keeping operations were ever possible, or even desirable, we should be depriving our Organization of one of its most valuable instruments in promoting the cause of peace. In particular, the smaller States might come to regret such a development.
164. For the proper and effective functioning of the United Nations in all fields — not least that of peacekeeping the office of the Secretary-General occupies a vitally important position. We are fortunate to have in this office a man of rare skill and deep wisdom, enjoying the respect and affection of all. It is the sincere hope of the Swedish Government that U Thant will find it possible, and that all Member Governments will do what they can to make it possible for him, to continue in office.
165. In the debate concerning the activities of the United Nations, public attention is mostly focused on the more dramatic moments. At the same time, it is a fact that four fifths of the staff of the United Nations are active in the field of economic and social development and that the overwhelmingly greater part of the financial contributions from Member countries is spent on such work — and very rightly so. The gap between the standards of living of the richer and the poorer countries widens more rapidly than ever. The population explosion in large parts of the world threatens to nullify all endeavours to raise, even to a modest extent, the per capita income. It is essential that efforts be intensified to assist the developing countries to reach as soon as possible the stage of self-sustaining growth.
166. It is often said that the United Nations right now is in a crisis. In one sense that is true. Our Organization is indeed faced with gigantic and almost superhuman tasks. We have to take effective action to put an end to developments in southern Africa which spell the threat of racial war. We must achieve control over the means of destruction, the use of which can mark the end of civilization. We must at long last advance on the road to disarmament and direct our efforts towards the establishment of a world economy capable of providing all nations of the globe with fair and truly humane living conditions. We must today, above all, try to contribute to a peaceful solution of the Viet-Namese conflict, which limits and paralyses the possibilities of progress in other fields. We must maintain and strengthen the peace-keeping capacity of the United Nations. These are immense tasks, and there are moments in history when a few throws of the dice determine its course. Greater and heavier than ever is the burden of responsibility resting on those statesmen who are entrusted with the destinies of their peoples. Even if it is not possible to master all these problems in the near future, this need not imply that the United Nations is in the midst of a crisis. The real crisis will come on the day when we no longer discuss such issues. As long as Member States, great and small, make use of the United Nations for consultations and for joint action, the hope remains that our Organization will step by step develop into a decisive force for peace.