121. Mr. President, I am especially happy to convey to you the warmest congratulations of Algeria, and of its delegation to the twenty-first session of the General Assembly, and also my own personal congratulations, upon your election to the post of President of the General Assembly for this session. We are all the happier to see you entrusted with this high office since the country you represent, Afghanistan, has had close and long-standing links with Algeria, Your philosophers profoundly influenced the movement for renascence in our country, thus undeniably demonstrating the common destiny of our two peoples.
122. Knowing your eminent qualities as a diplomat, your profound attachment to the principles of the Charter, your integrity and your keen sense of equity, we are convinced that the Assembly will find in you an enlightened and devoted guide for the duration of its work.
123. I should like to avail myself of this opportunity to say how greatly we appreciated the planner in which Mr. Fanfani conducted the work of the twentieth session of the General Assembly. He fulfiled his task with the competence and devotion which we all associate with him, and spared no effort to create an atmosphere favourable to the success of our work.
124. I should like, finally, to express our joy at seeing Guyana, Lesotho and Botswana join us, thus making even more concrete their new independence acquired at such great cost. This enrichment of the United Nations by the addition of three young States is for us a source of comfort and a reason for hope. It cannot make us forget, however, that for many years past we have been witnessing a continuous aggravation of international tension, and the development of a phenomenon of political and military escalation which threatens the security of young States and jeopardizes the precarious peaceful coexistence on which mankind had founded so many hopes. This deterioration of the situation is now reaching such alarming proportions that the Secretary-General has considered it his duty solemnly to declare that "the pressure of events is remorselessly leading towards a major war, while efforts to reverse that trend are lagging disastrously behind" [A/6400].
125. In dealing with this state of affairs, the United Nations, paralysed by its contradictions, is acquiring more and more the aspect of a forum in which academic exchanges of views have less and less to do
with reality. The Organization’s inability to find suitable solutions to the crises besetting the world, its difficulties in securing the implementation of its decisions, the paralysis of the General Assembly for a whole session because of a disagreement between two great Powers on the interpretation of an Article of the Charter are all symptoms of a progressive breakdown which has now reached a dangerous point.
126. At the most acute phase of the financial crisis, I stated before this Assembly that the problem we have to face was essentially political. Actually, behind the financial questions, there were substantive problems of the greatest importance, such as the role and the responsibilities of the United Nations in the settlement of international disputes; the machinery to be used in the maintenance of peace; the utilization of United Nations forces for undeniably political ends, and ways of ensuring that they will not be used as a Trojan horse for imperialist infiltration.
127. To invoke the competence of the General Assembly or of the Security Council, depending on fluctuations in majorities, is not perhaps the right way to lessen the growing confusion. This situation is nevertheless due to the growing importance of the new States in the responsibilities of- the international community, and also to the unequal development of the material power of the members of the Security Council.
128. In other words, there is a need to establish, on the one hand, a balance of power between the great Powers and, on the other, a sharing of responsibilities between those Powers and the small countries. In the circumstances, to argue that peace-keeping operations come within the province of the Security Council or of the General Assembly is to consolidate the present deadlock by perpetuating a situation which has become established over the years. So long as the problem is posed in terms of these alternatives, it will be difficult to find a viable solution or machinery capable of adaptation to all eventualities. Perhaps the solution is to be found in a recasting of the concepts of the Security Council and a realistic approach in evaluating the powers of that body and of the General Assembly.
129. Indeed, in the twenty years since the drafting of the Charter the world has undergone profound qualitative and quantitative changes. The emergence of a balance between the great Powers, the affirmation of the importance of China, the nuclear factor and the accession of dozens of countries to national sovereignty have all introduced some new elements in the confrontation of forces and also a qualitative change in relations between States. The Charter of the United Nations envisaged a world government by the Powers that had defeated Hitlerite fascism, and aimed at creating a balance and a security consistent with the forces and ideas of that time. The Charter of today, in order to be a truly effective instrument in the service of peace, must be realistically adapted to the conditions and ideas of our time.
130. In this connexion, the most recent Judgment of the International Court of Justice on South West Africa is of special importance. The Court, conceived at a time when colonial law was a part of international morality, no longer corresponds to the needs of an era when the concepts of the liberation of peoples have become fundamental principles of international law. The Judgment of 18 July 1966 is inspired more by the philosophy of the nineteenth century than by the ideas which led our Assembly to adopt the resolution on decolonization. The gap between the evolution of the world and the stagnation of institutions is a serious contradiction which must be remedied.
131. This gap is evident not only in the machinery of the Organization, but also in the very terms of the Charter. The concept of Trusteeship, officially established by the Charter, is an anachronism which prejudices the fundamental principles of the United Nations. The notion of "under-age” and "adult" peoples implied by Trusteeship is a political and legal endorsement of the colonial phenomenon, a way of legitimizing the obsolete theory of the incapacity of some peoples to govern themselves, and a serious distortion of the principle of self-determination.
132. Our peoples can no longer unconditionally appeal to the Charter without subscribing to colonially inspired concepts. The universality of the Charter implies that each Member States subscribes, without reservation, to the letter and the spirit of its whole text. The Trusteeship concept must therefore be stricken from the Charter without delay. The revision of Chapters XII and XIII, even of Chapter XI, relating to Non-Self-Governing Territories, has now become an imperative duty which it is difficult.for us to shirk. It has become urgently necessary to put an end to this concept of relations between nations and to adjust our texts to the evolution of our ideas.
133. The United Nations must therefore adapt itself to present-day conditions if it wishes to play its full role, assume all its responsibilities and become an effective instrument of international peace and security. Its machinery can hardly function on the basis of rigid situations which have largely been overtaken by events.
134. It would be illusory to claim that one can settle the problem of disarmament in the United Nations under present conditions. The Eighteen-Nation Committee has become involved in technical discussions, while the essential political aspects of the problem remain unsolved. First of all, it is impossible to disarm so long as a war, which in more ways than one contains the seeds of a general conflagration, still continues. This war, which is raging in Asia and which can break out in any other country of the Third World, clearly shows how serious is the concern of those who are anxious about the priority being given to the search no longer for disarmament, but for a balance of armaments. The gigantic development of conventional weapons weighs heavily on the security of the small countries, directly and immediately, while the balance of atomic armaments only applies in the framework of conflicts between the great Powers. Thus, while proliferation is a matter of deep concern to us in that it raises the problem of the very existence of our planet, the problem of the development of conventional weapons interests us just as much, if not more, since it exerts a real and constant pressure on our young independent States.
135. The problem of non-proliferation, in our opinion, can be approached in a positive way only if it does not lead to a de jure monopoly to the advantage of some countries. In other words, along with the discussion on non-proliferation, we must examine the problem of the cessation of all tests, whatever their nature, and of the destruction of existing stockpiles.
136. In any case, no negotiations on disarmament can be seriously contemplated unless the People’s Republic of China, which is a decisive military Power, and henceforward a nuclear one, takes part in them.
137. What is true of disarmament is even truer of the great political problems that we have to solve. The entry of the People’s Republic of China into the United Nations is no longer only a problem of restoring the rights of a country. It has become imperative for the Organization if it wishes to create the conditions for a revival which would give it the necessary political authority to accomplish its mission. Any international settlement without the participation of this great Power is unrealistic. It serves no purpose to incriminate the alleged intentions of the People's Republic of China. With respect to actual policies of aggression, daily events show quite clearly that the accuser has all the characteristics of an accused. If one were to use that criterion to decide on the participation of States in our work, the Security Council would be deprived of an appreciable number of its members. A United Nations in which Taiwan has a veto, while the People's Republic of China, a nuclear Power of 750 million inhabitants, is not represented, cannot be in a position to solve the difficult problems confronting it. We feel that there is still time to rectify the errors, to give each the share of responsibility which is his rightful due, bearing in mind that what is possible today may not be possible tomorrow.
138. If we do not take care, we shall with our own hands destroy the instrument for safeguarding peace which we have built with so much labour. The crisis resulting from the end of the term of office of the Secretary-General is without any doubt a new, dramatic factor which helps us better to see the grave nature of events. Behind 2 problems of a man, we must face the problem of the seriousness of the situation in the world and the weakening of international institutions.
139. With courage, clarity and sincerity, U Thant on 15 September clearly posed the problem in words which will be remembered in the history of the United Nations:
"If the Members have the will to see the United Nations develop into a really effective force for peace and progress, to bring it back to solvency, to see that this Organization is so constituted as to contribute significantly towards the easing of tensions and conflicts and towards enabling the United Nations to perform its harmonizing function, as envisaged in the Charter, then there will be a way to achieve these objectives — with a new man at the helm."
140. Of course, we hope that U Thant will change his decision. He has our complete esteem and confidence. He has been accepted by the whole world as a man of exceptional range whose only ambition is to serve the principles to which we are all dedicated. But to appeal
to him without considering his suggestions, to ask him to remain in office without providing him with the necessary conditions for the discharge of his duties, would not seem to be a method likely to solve the crisis. In fact, if the situation were to remain as it is, it would not be easy for any person, conscientious about his responsibilities, to offer himself as a candidate.
141. This is a serious crisis. It calls for radical measures. The symptoms of a chronic disease are too apparent for us to limit ourselves to hasty or partial measures.
142. In the search f«r solutions, all of us have an equal responsibility today. It can, of course, be argued that material power may confer a special aspect on responsibility; but that in no way implies that the responsibility of the small countries is thereby diminished. The examples of the last twenty years clearly show that the consequences of conflicts weigh much more heavily on the small countries than on the great Powers. International society is increasingly reverting to the law of the strongest, and the peoples of the Third World are being torn between their desire to lead an independent life and their fear of the consequences of their choices.
143. The experience of the peoples of the Indochinese peninsula is one of the tragedies of the second half of the twentieth century; and the most cruel of these tragedies is that being experienced by the heroic people of Viet-Nam. If today we allow a Power to intervene militarily in a country in order to impose a political regime, we shall help to create a precedent which will weigh heavily on the independence of all small countries.
144. If, relying on its physical strength, a Government believes that it has special responsibilities in all the five continents and uses force to carry out the responsibilities which it thinks it possesses, the world will only move towards chaos and general conflagration.
145. Already in Viet-Nam there is nothing which allows us to think that the war will not develop into a conflict which would be fatal in its scope and as regards the parties that it might line up against one another. At this moment, apart from political calculations and the confrontation of ideologies, the war in Viet-Nam raises the whole question of the survival of a people. Like all other peoples, Viet-Nam has the right to choose whatever form of government it pleases and to achieve, under its own responsibility alone, the unity of its people and its territory. The Viet-Namese people of the north and south is one and indivisible. Under the circumstances, to apply the same criterion to acts of natural solidarity between parts of one country and military intervention of the United States of America would be to present the problem in terms that would jeopardize any search for a solution.
146. We cannot repeat often enough that the question of Viet-Nam is, above all else, a matter which must be settled by the Viet-Namese and between the Viet-Namese. Nobody can claim a right to interfere in the internal affairs of a people, or to pass judgement upon the ideological or political preferences of that people. United States intervention in that distant country has only given the conflict a scope which transforms the just struggle for self-determination of peoples into a strategic confrontation on a world scale.
147. As long as the escalation continues, more ruinous and more murderous than ever, and as long as probability of United States forces crossing the seventeenth parallel remains, no prospect for a political solution is conceivable. Actually, only a military disengagement by the United States and the withdrawal of its troops and bases according to a fixed time-table can create the conditions for a just and equitable peace. Then fruitful negotiations could be opened with the National Liberation Front, the authentic representative of the Viet-Namese people, to find a political solution to the problem.
148. The Algerian people, which has had a difficult and exalting experience of revolutionary struggle for liberation, and which has been able to appreciate the value of international solidarity, cannot act otherwise than in a spirit of active solidarity with the struggle of the Viet-Namese people for self-determination, unity, and the integrity of its territory. Although the political and geographical contexts may seem different, there are numerous similarities which, in our search for solutions, permit us to hope that one day some lesson may be drawn from history.
149. In any case, the United Nations, which cannot assume the right to interfere in this delicate question through formal channels, must not nevertheless use the lack of any juridical or legal basis as a pretext for refusing to serve as a forum where the grave events taking place in South-East Asia can be discussed in a way that would enlighten world opinion, awaken its conscience, and thus help to create a healthy upsurge towards the peace which all the peoples of the world so earnestly desire.
150. It is not for us to take the place of the Viet-Namese in finding a solution to their problems. Those who are fighting are the only ones entitled to express the feelings of their people. In any case, reason dictates that a serious organization such as ours cannot seek a solution to a problem when it refuses certain parties the right to sit in its midst.
151. Once certain conditions are brought about, negotiation becomes a just and unavoidable course.
152. Moreover, the solution to the Algerian problem should in our opinion serve as an example in this regard. The negotiated settlement between France and the National Liberation Front, after seven years of bitter warfare, set the stage for long-range cooperation. The two partners have striven to decolonize their relations, thus offering to the world a positive contribution to the policy of understanding and friendship between peoples. Indirecting their efforts towards the complete achievement of this objective, the two partners are only obeying an imperative need of their peoples, which today, as tomorrow, are unanimous and confident in their common hopes.
153. Unfortunately, the process of decolonization has not been completed in all parts of the world. While newly liberated peoples are waging a continuous struggle to consolidate their political independence, others are still subject to the direct control of
administering Powers. Colonialism has chosen southern Africa as a last bastion which it is converting into a veritable fortress of imperialism. In that region Portugal is pursuing its repressive policy in Angola and Mozambique, while the United Kingdom refuses to abandon its dream of establishing artificial States governed by white minorities as watchful guardians of the interests of the colonial Powers. The Rhodesian phenomenon is the most dramatic manifestation of this policy. The so-called economic sanctions have in reality only gained time for accustoming public opinion to a de facto situation. The primary responsibility of the United Kingdom in this matter remains unchanged, for it still possesses all the means to restore the rights of the people of Zimbabwe.
154. As far as South West Africa is concerned, the responsibility of the United Nations seems incontrovertible today. The United Nations, which is accountable for the destiny of that people, must terminate the Mandate, proclaim the independence of that country, and see to it by all the means at its disposal that its decision is implemented. The repeated violations by South Africa of the Charter and of United Nations resolutions are already too serious for the United Nations to allow South Africa coextend its segregationist regime to Territory for which the international community is responsible. The repeated violation of seventy-three resolutions by South Africa should, moreover, cause the Organization finally to assume its responsibilities if it does not wish to discredit itself in this miserable affair.
155. As in Africa, imperialism in the Middle East, held at bay by the resistance of the peoples, is trying to take another form. The situation in Oman remains confused and, while imperialism is promising to lead the people of Aden to independence, it is striving to keep intact its economic and strategic interests by creating the Federation of South Arabia.
156. Further to the north, in Palestine, Israel remains a military enclave, a bridgehead of imperialism in the midst of the Arab countries. The Palestine problem has been given racial overtones only by those who have expelled the indigenous inhabitants from their own land in order to install foreign settlers in their place. Indeed, what is needed is to go beyond the racial criteria and eliminate the segregationist State, in order to return this country to its people. This people, like any other people in the world, must have its right to self-determination recognized,
157. Recent events in the Middle East have served to remind us of the possible consequences of a confrontation between the supporters of the fait accompli and the Palestinian people itself. The aggressive designs of Israel must be checked by the vigilant opposition of all countries which are devoted to the principle of self-determination and the freedom of peoples.
158. It is the duty of the United Nations to contribute to the elimination of the last bastions of direct colonization; experience, however, has shown that the acquisition of political independence is but one step towards the total liberation of peoples. Indeed, the need to give substance and real meaning to the political freedom they have acquired has revealed to the countries of the Third World the immensity and complexity of the problems posed by economic and social development.
159. The General Assembly is already aware of the gravity of these problems. It gave proof of this at its twentieth session, when it grappled with economic questions as a whole, rather than striving to solve isolated problems.
160. The creation of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development and its secretariat, the Advisory Committee on the Application of Science and Technology, the Committee for Planning and now the United Nations Industrial Development Organization testify to undeniable progress. However, this progress at the institutional level cannot justify serious hopes if, at the same time, the industrialized countries do not display the will to translate into deeds the recommendations of the United Nations and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.
161. We must record the fact that the results have not measured up to our hopes. How can one fail to deplore the retrogression that has become apparent? How can one fail to wonder about the reasons for the increasingly obvious indifference of most of the countries whose attitude affects all possible progress? How can one fail to wonder whether these countries and the whole international community have the political will to help two thirds of the peoples of that community?
162. Such are the features of a situation w oh we had hoped to see transformed by the realization of mankind's common destiny and the acceptance of a collective responsibility to attain it. We are compelled to note that we are still far from our objectives. Nevertheless, it is still possible to attain them and to give new life to all the organs of our Organization.
163. At the present juncture, we should spare no effort to realize the objectives of the Charter and to implement our own decisions. The survival and strengthening of the United Nations are essential for the promotion of peace, international co-operation, and the ideals of freedom and justice. The permanent threats to the security of the world, born of the gigantic development of armaments technology, are too serious for us to allow international relations to evolve outside an appropriate framework. Each of us has a duty to contribute to the search for solutions capable of channelling relations among nations on to the path of peace and progress.