106. On behalf of the delegation of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, I should like to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to this important post and to express our sincere satisfaction at seeing such confidence bestowed on the representative of a friendly country — a factor of peace and stability in Asia.
107. The present session of the General Assembly is characterized by an atmosphere of growing tension in international relations. We must not, however, allow the concern caused by difficulties and conflicts to paralyse our action in respect of the factors responsible for this situation. On the contrary, the greater the international tension, the more urgent it is to take effective measures to bar the way to aggression.
108. In this connexion, there is constant reference to the role of the United Nations in contemporary international relations. The United Nations is not only a creation of States, it is at the same time a reflection of their mutual relationships and their readiness to fulfil the duties laid down in the Charter. In other words, as our Secretary-General has frequently emphasized, the United Nations is only what the Member States wish to make it. The more all its Members base their policies on respect for the principles of the Charter and conscientiously comply with the decisions of United Nations organs and with the international obligations they have assumed, the more positive will be the role of the United Nations, Failure to carry out these principles and obligations disturbs the balance of the international community, and thereby limits the ability of the United Nations to take action in the spirit of the Charter. The history of our Organization is unfortunately rich in examples of this deplorable situation.
109. The adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples represents a success for the United Nations and for the whole of mankind. There can be no doubt that this Declaration has exerted a positive influence on the process of decolonization. However, its application is encountering resistance from some forces and great political and economic interests which are opposed to the aims of complete decolonization. Many years have elapsed since the solemn proclamation of this Declaration and yet a substantial part of the African continent and many other territories are still under colonial domination. States Members of the Organization, such as Portugal and others, helped by the above-mentioned forces, are continuing to subject the African population to barbarous exploitation and to carry on a ruthless war against the national liberation movement. In flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations and of the many General Assembly and Security Council resolutions, the South African Republic is continuing to strengthen the shameful and inhuman regime of apartheid.
110. Under the Charter, Member States have undertaken to observe scrupulously the principles of equality and self-determination of peoples, to refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force, and not to intervene in the domestic affairs of other States. No one in our forum would dare to cast doubt on the integrity of these principles. Nevertheless, despite their verbal support for these fundamental principles, some States have made interference in the domestic affairs of other countries the chief instrument of their national policy.
111. The United States aggression in Viet-Nam is one of the most brutal manifestations of this policy. More than 300,000 American soldiers have been thrown into the war against the National Liberation Movement in South Viet-Nam. The armed forces of the United States are carrying out bombing raids and indulging in other acts of aggression against the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam, they are exterminating the peaceful population and destroying towns and villages. These acts of aggression carried out on both sides of the 17th parallel constitute a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter, of the Geneva Agreements of 1954 and of the United Nations Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in the Domestic Affairs of States [resolution 2131 (XX)]. However these acts are read, however the texts are selected, however subtle the methods chosen to interpret them, the truth is plain: the United States is employing armed aggression to impose its will on the Viet-Namese people and to prevent it from solving for itself its domestic problems.
112. The United States Government is, of course, aware of the fact that its policy is encountering — as it cannot fail to do — general reprobation and condemnation. That is why it is attempting to accompany its military actions in Viet-Nam with a moral defence of its aggressive policy, so as to conceal its open aggression under the cloak of peaceful declarations. The only purpose of these declarations is to divert the attention and lessen the indignation provoked by the war which the United States is carrying on in Viet-Nam.
113. It is in this spirit that we must examine the speech made by the United States representative at this session [1412th meeting]. Some representatives may have hoped that the United States Government would announce realistic and sincere proposals for stopping the aggression in Viet-Nam, but alas, no element in the speech indicates any possibility of solving the Viet-Namese problem by peaceful and just means.
114. What does the United States of America really propose? In the first place, it reiterates its proposal to begin "negotiations without preliminary conditions". However, it is obvious to everyone that the United States, by intensifying the war in Viet-Nam, is daily creating fresh faits accomplis. By insisting on the maintenance of these faits accomplis, the United States is creating new preliminary conditions and obstacles to the solution of the Viet-Namese problem by negotiation. Consequently, the statement about negotiations without preliminary conditions was and is nothing but a hypocritical and negative attempt to approach the question of negotiations, a policy of diktat and
ultimatum that the brave Viet-Namese people, which has given striking proof of its burning patriotism, cannot accept.
115. The United States of America claims later that it is ready to negotiate on the basis of the Geneva Agreements. If it really wished to comply with these Agreements, accepted by the parties directly concerned as a real basis for the solution of the problem, the United States might have done so more convincingly. To accept these Agreements means to respect and apply them strictly. But since 1954, the United States has continually violated the Agreements by establishing military bases and by sending for their aggressive purposes troops and weapons in ever-increasing number and quantity to South Viet-Nam, until we have reached today's tragic situation.
116. When the United States finally begins to respect the Geneva Agreements, perhaps it will understand that the solution of the Viet-Nam problem is possible and that it can make a constructive contribution to it. Respect for the Geneva Agreement means in fact stopping the bombing and other acts of aggression against the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam, the withdrawal from South Viet-Nam of the armed forces of the United States and its allies and the recognition of the Viet-Namese people's right to settle its problems for itself in complete freedom. These are precisely the proposals of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and of the National Liberation Front of South Viet-Nam, the only legitimate representative of the population of South Viet-Nam. The Government of the People's Republic of Bulgaria whole-heartedly supports these proposals, the only basis on which a solution for the Viet-Namese problem can be achieved.
117. The policy of intervention in the domestic affairs of States is creating increasing political tension in other parts of the Indo-Chinese peninsula. The violations of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Cambodia and Laos, whose populations have been frequently subjected to attacks by the United States army, are a striking proof of this.
118. The same policy is manifested in the Dominican Republic and towards the brave Cuban people, who are the object of continual provocation on the part of the United States. However, despite the enormous power of imperialism, we are convinced that these peoples, who though small are determined to defend their independence, will be able to maintain their sovereignty and integrity and ensure for themselves a better future.
119. When we consider the negative consequences of the policy of interference in the domestic affairs of States, we cannot pass over in silence the situation in South Korea which, in some respects, presents analogies with that in Viet-Nam. It is essential to eliminate the causes which might lead to the outbreak of a new conflict of the Viet-Namese type in the Far East. The presence of the United States armed forces in South Korea is the reason for the deterioration in the situation in that part of Asia. A final end must therefore be put to that presence. As the memorandum by the Government of the Democratic People's Republic
of Korea dated 21 July 1966 emphasizes: "The Korean question is a question of restoring the unity of the temporarily divided territory" [see A/6370]. The memorandum by the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea contains a constructive and realistic programme for the peaceful unification of the Korean people. It is with that aim that the socialist countries have proposed the inclusion in the agenda of the present session of the withdrawal of all United States and other foreign forces occupying South Korea under the flag of the United Nations and dissolution of the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea [item 93], We hope the General Assembly will give due attention to the consideration of this problem and will adopt decisions designed to put an end to an abnormal situation which is a danger to peace and in no way helps to enhance the prestige or credit of the United Nations.
120. It has been frequently emphasized from this rostrum that one of the main reasons for the tension and lack of confidence in international relations is the existence of foreign military bases on the territory of other countries, and that these bases are one of the most harmful manifestations of the policy of intervention in the domestic affairs of States. Many General Assembly resolutions — including resolutions 1514 (XV) and 2105 (XX) — have demonstrated, in various ways, the incompatibility of the existence of such bases with the basic principles of international relations. The military bases are points of support for an aggressive policy, present or future, threatening the independence and national interests of States, particularly of small countries and those which have been recently liberated. Thus the dangerous consequences of the presence of military bases have rendered and continue to render their liquidation necessary; that would be a real proof of the sincere desire of the countries using these bases to contribute to the restoration of confidence and the improvement of friendly relations between peoples. This fact alone can have great importance for the strengthening of peace and security in the world.
121. Consequently, we consider very timely the inclusion in the agenda of the present session of the Soviet proposal relating to the elimination of foreign military bases in the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America [item 98], We should prefer the elimination of all bases throughout the whole world. But bearing in mind the present state of the problem, and the position of the United States, which owns the largest number of such bases, in this respect, we should welcome even a partial settlement as a first step, The adoption of the proposed resolution [see A/6399] and above all its application by the States concerned would have a great influence on the final solution of the problem and would represent an important victory for the peaceful aspirations of peoples and of our Organization.
122. We must note with regret that since the twentieth session of the General Assembly, which adopted certain important resolutions on disarmament problems, no real progress has been made by the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament held in Geneva, This year too, the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee stated in its report to the General Assembly that no specific agreement had been reached either on questions of general and complete disarmament or on measures aimed at the lessening of international tension [see A/6390, para. 33]. That gives rise to justifiable anxiety and makes us speculate once more as to the reasons for the impasse reached by the negotiations in Geneva.
123. An analysis of the facts leads to the conclusion that the chief reason is that at present the United States Government has no intention of undertaking disarmament measures or of contributing on a mutually acceptable basis to the solution of the complex problems of general and complete disarmament. On the contrary, it is continuing its policy of extending military actions and of continuing the armaments race, particularly in the field of nuclear weapons. If the United States was prepared to prove its goodwill, the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament could reach some agreement, at least on partial measures, even within the framework of the present international situation.
124. The conclusion of a treaty to prevent the direct or indirect proliferation of nuclear weapons is of vital importance for safeguarding peace and the future of humanity. Such a treaty would be the first step towards limiting the nuclear weapons race. In accordance with resolution 2028 (XX), this treaty should be void of any loop-holes which might permit the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Unfortunately, the policy adopted by the United States on this problem has not so far made it possible for such an agreement to be signed. The United States draft treaty to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons does not absolutely forbid nuclear Powers giving such weapons to non-nuclear States, such as the Federal Republic of Germany. For that reason we do not think the United States draft can serve as a basis for the preparation of a treaty on non-proliferation.
125. The delegation of the People's Republic of Bulgaria will, at this session, support any initiative or idea which would enable us to emerge from the impasse which disarmament negotiations have reached. We think that the General Assembly can and must give an impulse to work in the field of disarmament and make it more effective. In that, connexion, I should like to draw attention to the constructive nature of the Soviet proposal concerning the renunciation by States of actions hampering the conclusion of an agreement on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons [agenda item 97] and support this proposal on behalf of the Bulgarian Government.
126. By approaching the most pressing problems relating to the prevention of the nuclear danger, we should make it easier to proceed, along the path leading to the main objective, general and complete disarmament under international control. Its achievement would be a real guarantee for lasting peace and for the security of the world.
127. Our delegation shares the general opinion on the alarming nature of certain phenomena in the present world economic situation. We followed with Interest the ideas expressed at the 1414th meeting by the Foreign Minister of Senegal, Mr, Thiam, on some aspects of economic evolution in the developing countries, aspects which concern not only these countries. We also consider very important the two disquieting facts which he stressed in his speech, namely the international division of labour, established in the past by the colonial regime, which is now proving harmful to the recently liberated countries, and the deterioration of trade conditions in many countries and parts of the world.
128. The first United Nations Conference on Trade and Development tried to indicate means of overcoming the major obstacles to the extension and consolidation of economic ties between countries. However, the decisions and recommendations of this Conference have not been put into effect, chiefly through the fault of certain Western countries. These countries are continuing to practise a policy of trade discrimination, making use of their economic relations to interfere in the domestic affairs of other peoples, raising economic barriers, in their tariff legislation and separating the most ordinary goods into "friendly" and "unfriendly" goods, thus establishing closed economic groups.
129. It will therefore be necessary at the second United Nations Conference On Trade and Development to take additional measures for the implementation of the recommendations of the first Conference so as to achieve more substantial progress in the field of international economic relations. The Government of Bulgaria, considering as of prime importance the speedy elimination of all obstacles to international trade and to scientific and technical collaboration is taking measures in accordance with the decisions and principles of the Conference. As a result, in recent years, our economic and trade relations, particularly with the developing countries, have continued to grow.
130. It is to be noted, however, that some countries in Western Europe have recently taken positive steps to expand their trade relations with the socialist countries. On our side, we have done all in our power and shall continue to act to that end in order to develop our economic relations with such countries on the basis of mutual profit and respect,
131. Another positive fact is that despite many difficulties caused by certain imperialist circles, there is a trend in Europe not only towards economic cooperation but also towards the development of cultural, scientific, political and other relations between certain countries on the basis of equality and non-intervention in domestic affairs. These trends are an expression of the vital interests of the peoples of our continent and they are helping to improve East-West relations. In this field, the evolution in the Balkans is not the least important in Europe. The political situation in Europe naturally exercises a considerable influence on the world situation. Thus, all those who respect the principles of the United Nations Charter should not only welcome these trends but also help to consolidate them,
132. In that connexion, we should like to mention the concrete proposals by the countries members of the Warsaw Treaty contained in the Declaration on Strengthening Peace and Security in Europe adopted on 5 July 1966 at Bucharest, which constitutes a constructive programme for the safeguard of peace and security in Europe. The Bulgarian Government is ready to take part in any proposals and to collaborate by all the means at its disposal In the achievement of this programme, and in the search for mutually acceptable ways conducive to the consolidation of peace in Europe. In its view, all European nations and Governments, all the forces of peace and progress should unite their efforts so that Europe may become a real factor for peace and mutual understanding in the world of today.
133. In this connexion, we should like again to state our full support for the German Democratic Republic's request for admission to the United Nations [see A/6283]. A sovereign and peaceful country, following a consistent policy for the strengthening of European security and the development of international cooperation, the German Democratic Republic fulfils all the conditions laid down by the Charter for admission to the United Nations.
134. The Bulgarian Government also takes a positive attitude towards the admission of the Federal Republic of Germany, subject to certain reservations as to that country’s international policy. The simultaneous admission to the United Nations of the two German States would undoubtedly represent a contribution to the improving of the European political climate.
135. As I mentioned at the beginning of my speech, the United Nations can be justly proud of the fact that since the adoption in 1960 of the historic declaration on decolonization, the General Assembly has taken several important decisions aimed at its application. The United Nations is supporting the struggle for national liberation, and its Members are bound to lend moral and material aid to national liberation movements.
136. Nevertheless, despite some positive steps In that direction, the peoples of Angola, Mozambique, so-called Portuguese Guinea, South West Africa and Southern Arabia are still under the colonial yoke. The racist regimes of South Africa and of the white minority which has usurped power in Southern Rhodesia are continuing to oppress the native peoples of those countries and deprive them of the most elementary rights. It is therefore high time to adopt against the colonialist and racist regimes measures which should be obligatory for all States without exception, That is why the General Assembly should propose to the Security Council the adoption of effective decisions
including the sanctions provided for in Chapter VII of
the Charter, One of the most serious colonial problems
on which the General Assembly has to take a decision at this session is that of South West Africa, Our delegation is prepared to support any proposal which would make it possible to ensure the freedom and independence of the people of that territory.
137. In order to eliminate the traces of colonialism as quickly as possible, our Organization and is Members must increase their moral and material a to the national liberation movements. This duty is also incumbent on the international agencies and organizetions connected with the United Nations. However, some of these organizations are not only not coming to the assistance of the peoples struggling for their freedom, but are continuing to grant loans and economic assistance to Portugal and South Africa. We consider that the General Assembly must state its views on this activity which is contrary to the policy and decisions of the United Nations.
138. We well understand the Secretary-General, Mr. Thant, when he says that "The United Nations has not yet attained the goal of universality of membership" [see A/6301/Add.l, section X]. Despite the protests of many countries, our Organization committed at the time, under the pressure of the United States, a monumental error. For seventeen years non-recognition of the legitimate rights of the People's Republic of China has been weighing on the United Nations and hampering the effectiveness of its actions. Nothing can Justify the adjournment from session to session, as a result of pressure and procedural subterfuges, of the problem of the restoration of the legitimate rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations. That country should long ago have taken its place in the United Nations as the only legitimate representative of the Chinese people as a whole, with all the consequences deriving therefrom both with regard to the status of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations and the removal of the Chiang Kai-shek clique from its seat. The majority in the Assembly is conscious of the serious nature of the problem and the urgent necessity of correcting this error. The General Assembly should take a decision accordingly. The sooner it does so the better.
139. The facts and problems 1 have outlined explain the concern caused by the role of the United Nations in questions of peace and friendly relations between States. This concern leads us to seek the reasons which are hindering the activity of the United Nations as a machinery for collective security and international co-operation. But these reasons should not be sought primarily in organizational weaknesses or in the financial difficulties of the United Nations which in this case play only a secondary part.
140. The real causes of the difficulties of the United Nations and of the limitation of its role in international relations are to be found in the policy of violation of the principles of its Charter and of the standards of international law and in the non-execution of the Organization's decisions. Among these causes, the policy of intervention and aggression is of decisive importance because its harmful consequences hinder the proper functioning of the United Nations and paralyse its activity in numerous important spheres of international life.
141. There is only one way out of this situation: the uniting of all forces to put an end to the policy of interference and aggression, the creation of conditions for the consolidation of trust between peoples and the expansion of collaboration between them based on equal rights. Only then shall we be able to surmount the difficulties which are hampering the actions of the United Nations. In that connexion we appreciate the item placed on the agenda at the request of the Soviet Union on the implementation of the Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention [agenda item 96] and the. item proposed by the Socialist Republic of Czechoslovakia entitled: "Strict observance of the prohibition of the threat or use of force in international relations and of the right of peoples to self-determination" [agenda item 92].
142. I cannot conclude without expressing to our Secretary-General, Mr. Thant, the Bulgarian Government's deep appreciation and gratitude for the devoted efforts with which he has carried out his difficult and highly responsible mission. Our Government would welcome a decision on his part to continue to carry on his functions for another term of office. I should like to assure him that he can count, as in the past, on the support and co-operation of the Bulgarian Government.