39. Mr. President, my delegation has had the opportunity on a previous occasion to congratulate you on your election to the high office of the Presidency of the General Assembly. It is a well-deserved honour for a man who has done so much for the United Nations and whose ability, knowledge and experience have been generally acknowledged. Before I proceed any further, I considered it also my pleasant duty to express our whole-hearted congratulations to the Foreign Minister of Italy, Signor Amintore Fanfani, who, in his capacity as President of the twentieth session of the Assembly, discharged his duties in a manner that has won for him the appreciation and respect of all.
40. It is never easy, in our contribution to this general debate, to deviate from the established pattern. We may try to use, each time, different phraseology and be original in so far as the wording and construction of our statements are concerned; but the substance is almost always basically the same. The reason is simple; unfortunate though it may be, we have to acknowledge the fact that the problems with which we have to deal every year are the same or very similar. The fundamental problem of war and peace is the same. The questions of colonialism and disarmament are the same. Most of the other specific international questions are the same, and appear every year before us for reconsideration, livery year, we state our views on the international situation; we reaffirm our positions and our policies. We reiterate our dedication to the ideals of the United Nations and our determination to do out utmost towards securing conditions for lasting peace. We speak every year and we are almost unanimous on the necessity to realize our common objectives of complete freedom, of the universal application of the principle of self-determination, of the universal respect for human rights, of equality amongst States and equality amongst individuals. We condemn every year those who, in violation of our principles and convictions, endeavour to halt or delay the process of complete decolonization; and we denounce those who, in their effort to keep themselves in power and suppress the will of the people, employ discriminatory and other oppressive practices. We emphasize every year the necessity to eliminate the injustice resulting from economic or social inequality. We underline, every year, the need to apply technological and scientific achievements for the benefit of man, rather than for his detriment and perhaps his destruction. All this, we always, and every year, uphold in the course of this annual general debate, and we are almost unanimous that the realization of these objectives, the objectives of the United Nations, is absolutely essential if our basic aim for lasting peace is to be attained.
41. Every year, however, faced by the realities, we reach the same conclusion, namely, that to a lesser or greater extent, peace is threatened, and our expectations are being continually jeopardized. The mere fact that we repeat ourselves every year serves, in itself, to confirm that we have not come appreciably nearer our target; and, what is worse, to a certain extent, this year we meet in circumstances that we may fairly describe as more critical, more confusing and more dangerous. Our inability to make enough progress in almost all fields, coupled with the truly explosive situation which today prevails in more than one part of the world, and which is not very difficult for anyone to apprehend, can easily explain our frustration, which has grown, and our anxieties, which have increased, concerning the future of mankind. It is not too difficult for any one of us to sense and appreciate how real the present dangers are. We shall no doubt make certain that our awareness of the existing dangers is registered and that our tears and our warnings are recorded.
43. Not only have we failed to achieve our objectives and create conditions in which war would be permanently ruled out and peace secured on a lasting basis, but we are, on the contrary, faced with a situation of actual war, the further escalation of which cannot be ruled out a situation fraught with many other greater consequences, the magnitude of which no one should underestimate. I am referring to the situation in Viet-Nam; but before considering this subject I should like to deal briefly with the international situation in general.
43. It is easy to ascertain that, despite the progress that has been achieved in certain fields, we are still falling behind in what should have been our schedule. The liberation of a number of colonial territories and the pace of the process of decolonization over the past few years should have increased our optimism that colonialism would soon come to an end. But, while many Non-Self-Governing Territories have been liberated, the progress towards the full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples has not been sufficient, and we still find ourselves today confronted with some of the most difficult and potentially dangerous colonial problems. Whilst we should not lose sight of, or tend to forget, the still pending issue of the liberation of territories such as those under Portuguese administration Angola. Mozambique, so-called Portuguese Guinea our attention since our last meeting has been rightly focused as a result of the intervening developments, on the questions of Southern Rhodesia and South West Africa. In both of these cases, colonialism has become doubly obnoxious through its combination with racism.
44. All colonial problems present a challenge to the United Nations, but in particular the issues of Southern Rhodesia and South West Africa constitute at this very moment, in my submission, cases in regard to which the United Nations can either succeed or fail. As I pointed out the other day, speaking on the question of South West Africa in this Assembly [1431st meeting], the United Nations must act. We are long past the stage of arguing and debating the merits of these issues, and by merely using high-sounding words and adopting well-meaning resolutions, without taking practical steps, we do not, in my humble view, serve effectively the purpose which we have the duty to realize.
45. It always gives us great pleasure to welcome to the United Nations newly independent States which have recently acquired their freedom, and indeed we have had the happy occasion to do so, this year, with Guyana. It is with the same pleasure that we look forward to welcoming later in this session three more new States, namely, Botswana, Lesotho and Barbados. But in welcoming these new States we should at the same time remember that other Territories, less fortunate, are in need of our active and effective assistance if they are to take their scats amongst us in the United Nations. On each of the colonial problems still existing, we must make up our minds that we must consider and take practical steps in each case. We must utilize fully the existing machinery of the United Nations. We must pursue our objectives with resoluteness and not merely state them.
46. The political inequality as expressed in the various forms of colonialism, imperialism and foreign domination is not the only cause which is responsible for the danger to peace which today exists in the world. Economic and social equality and justice are far from being achieved. In this field also, no doubt, many commendable efforts have been made, in particular within the framework of the United Nations, with a view to bridging or at least reducing the gap which lies between the developed and the developing countries. We all appreciate this intensified effort which has found expression in the launching of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development and in the forthcoming establishment of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization. The United Nations Institute for Training and Research and the United Nations Research Institute for Social Development are two further manifestations of these constructive and useful efforts. We must also express our appreciation for the manner in which the United Nations Development Programme is carrying out substantial and diverse technical assistance projects in developing countries and we trust that its range of activities will increase; indeed, we strongly believe that multilateral assistance given through the United Nations is the most appropriate type of aid to developing countries.
47. These are not the only efforts that have been made to improve the international situation in so far as economic and social development is concerned. Yet, despite all these efforts, and despite the fact that we are now well advanced in what was designated as the United Nations Development Decade, we again have to acknowledge that the inequality between the rich and the poor nations not only is not reduced, but by and large is further increased, and with it the dangers to the maintenance of peace. Exploitation is still a method that is being used at the expense of the poor and for the benefit of the rich. Economic subjugation and oppression is still a prominent feature in international relations.
48. When we turn to review the many political problems which becloud the international horizon, we again have to acknowledge that, while some are in a less acute state than before, they are still menacingly outstanding and that no basic solutions to them have been found. They still constitute sources of anomaly, dispute and danger.
49. The one bright spot, perhaps, is presented in the improvement in the relations between Malaysia and Indonesia, as a result of the agreement recently reached between the two countries, which, we all hope, will open a new and promising era in their relations. We very much welcome this development, and I take this opportunity to say how happy we are to note that Indonesia has decided to resume co-operation with the United Nations and that its delegation has reoccupied its rightful seat in this Assembly.
50. It is also true that the present relations between India and Pakistan have relatively improved since last year, and most notably since the Tashkent Declaration of 10 January 1966, which constitutes a very reasonable basis upon which these relations could be further improved. Nevertheless, the differences of view still remain with regard to the problems artificially created by the colonialist policy of “divide and rule”, problems which should never have arisen.
51. The problem of the Palestinian Arabs has made no perceptible progress, and indeed the situation is far from satisfactory. This question, which has both humanitarian and political aspects, has yet to be solved and we would deceive ourselves if we were to believe that it no longer presents a threat to peace. The potentially most dangerous problem of Germany and that of the other divided nations have still to be solved.
52. There are indeed many other areas of crisis and uneasiness. Of these, the problem of Cyprus naturally looms largest in our minds. It is not my intention to deal at any length with the question of Cyprus in the course of my present statement. This question is not on the agenda of this session, since the General Assembly had the opportunity at last year’s session to discuss fully and exhaustively its various aspects and, after proper consideration, to adopt a resolution [2077 (XX)] which is in conformity with the principles of the Charter and in accordance with the ideals for which the United Nations stands.
53. Since the last session, the situation in Cyprus has been on the whole quiet, despite occasional incidents, with which this is neither the appropriate place nor time to deal. My Government, in co-operation with the United Nations Peace-keeping force and 1 should like in this connexion to express once again our sincere appreciation to all those connected with its direction, composition and financing has been doing its utmost to reduce tension and to bring about as far as possible a return to normality.
54. Our views on the solution of the problem of Cyprus are well known to all. Our positive attitude towards all the efforts by the United Nations, both in regard to the peace-keeping as well as to the mediation, are again well known and need no further elaboration. Our basic position remains unchanged, namely, that the future of Cyprus must be determined in accordance with the wishes of its people. In our desire to further all efforts towards a solution, we have raised no objections indeed we have consented to the confidential talks which were undertaken a few months ago between the Governments of Greece and Turkey. If, as a result of this dialogue, tension in the Eastern Mediterranean is further reduced and if a solution to the problem of Cyprus, in accordance with the Charter and acceptable to the people of Cyprus, is facilitated, then such a result will be warmly welcomed by my Government. It is our earnest hope that this effort may succeed. Should it fail, however, other initiatives will have to be considered in conformity, always, with the Charter and in the light of resolution 2077 (XX), adopted by the General Assembly on 18 December 1965. In the meantime, and until the solution is reached, there seems to be the necessity for the United Nations presence in Cyprus to continue. I shall not dwell on that because that specific issue will be taken up by the Security Council in due course.
55. With reference now to the question of peace-keeping operations in general, we find ourselves in the disappointing position of having to note that no progress has been made. That problem, which almost wrecked the United Nations, must be solved without much further delay. We share the Secretary-General's opinion that, in view of the significant role that those operations play in maintaining peace in sensitive parts of the globe, a more determined effort should be made to tackle effectively both the constitutional and the financial aspects of such operations. No doubt there are questions of principle involved which one cannot ignore or underestimate, but on the other hand, is it beyond the ability of statesmen if they really believe in the role of the United Nations in that respect to reach an understanding? After all, the purpose of those operations is not to assist any one of the power blocs in gaining advantages at the expense of the other. None of the great Powers individually have to gain or to lose, except that they all collectively have something to gain in so far as peace is concerned, an area in which, under the United Nations Charter, they bear a special responsibility.
56. The deterioration in the international situation is in my view also marked by the fact that no progress has been made in the field of disarmament and nuclear testing. Despite the various efforts in the United Nations and at Geneva, complete disarmament remains an ever-elusive goal. Instead, we witness an increase in the stockpiles of nuclear weapons, and whilst the Moscow test ban treaty, which has been the main positive achievement in this respect, has been observed by those Powers who have signed it, it has not yet been possible to reach an agreement to ban underground tests. Even more disappointing is the fact that, although there seems to be complete agreement on the necessity for a non-proliferation treaty, an agreement on that issue has not been possible and the negotiators are still in search of a formula.
57. In my humble submission, the failure to make any progress in the field of disarmament reflects the realities of the present international situation. What has always lain at the root of that problem is the lack of trust and confidence concerning the intentions of the one towards the other in the big and dangerous game of power politics, which the small nations have to watch patiently, and most of the time helplessly, in an agony of apprehension.
58. That is perhaps even more true of today, when a full-fledged war is raging in Viet-Nam in which some of the great Powers are directly or indirectly involved. The situation in Viet-Nam is clearly the most serious since the end of the Second World War. It is a situation terrible in itself, even if there were no dangers of further escalation which unmistakably do exist. The extreme gravity of the situation as we witness it makes it our imperative duty to consider as a matter of urgency what steps should be taken in order to prevent what might turn out to be a major catastrophe. It is indeed tragic to find ourselves confronted with a situation in which we must strive to stop actual war, instead of pursuing our efforts to secure conditions of permanent peace.
59. We have reached the stage at which no useful purpose is served by arguing who is to blame in the war in Viet-Nam. The still greater explosion that may develop out of that situation, as well as the continuous suffering and loss of life, which day by day increases, have reduced the question of who is to blame to a matter of secondary importance. What the objective of all should be is how and how soon the war can end. If, for historical reasons, or any other reasons, it may be at all necessary to apportion blame, that we can all do later and indeed we shall have ample time to do that only if the war does not further escalate but instead comes to a speedy end. We do not lose sight of the fact that wider issues of power politics are involved, as well as perhaps questions of prestige, but none of these or any other lessons are sufficient to justify the continuation of the bloodshed that might well lead to a wider conflict, the consequences of which most of us here would simply refuse to contemplate.
60. There have been many commendable efforts and many initiatives to remedy the situation. In that respect, I should like to praise in particular the most constructive and realistic approach to that problem by the Secretary-General. I believe that the Secretary-General's three points provide the way out from the present tragedy: the ending of the bombing of North Viet-Nam, de-escalation of fighting, negotiations with the participation of all, including the Viet-Cong. We shall get nowhere if each one of the parties involved waits for the other to take the initiative. One has to take courageously the first step in the right direction. I am quite convinced that a new situation would arise if the United States, which has manifested its wish for pacification, as reaffirmed most recently by Ambassador Goldberg, were to stop the bombing of North Viet-Nam, without any conditions or limitations and while this session of the General Assembly is in progress. From the reaction to such a step it would be clear to everybody what might or should be done next. There should be a start- and we feel that the most powerful must pave the way. Any such move by the United States no doubt would be regarded by some as a gesture of statesmanship, by others as a concession, by others as a retreat under pressure, by others as a logical development, but they all would welcome it. Such a first step would, I hope, create the necessary conditions for the Secretary-General to pursue further his peace-making initiatives, in the name of peace and in the name of humanity. The argument that some of the parties involved are not represented in the United Nations may be put forward as a reason for not having this question as a special item on the agenda or for not raising it in the Security Council; but I am confident that the Secretary-General, not only because of the position he holds but in particular because of the great international stature he possesses, would be in a position to assist positively. We must all agree that anything and everything is worth trying. There must be an end to this war.
61. We may be disheartened and discouraged at finding ourselves not any nearer to achieving our objectives, and indeed in certain respects farther away. We are, no doubt, at the end of this debate, going to reach the same lamentable conclusion: that in spite of our academic discussions and our declarations and our almost unanimous agreement on what international relations should be based upon - whether it be termed equality, whether it be termed non-interference and non-intervention, whether it be termed peaceful coexistence, whether it be termed tolerance and co-operation, political and economic-we have not succeeded, and we must not hesitate to admit it. But that conclusion must lead us unavoidably to another conclusion and to an imperative necessity, which is to utilize and strengthen the United Nations-strengthen it to achieve its purposes, which are our purposes; to make sure that the same mistakes and the same unfortunate developments that led to the collapse of the League of Nations and those which followed that event will not be repeated. Mankind cannot afford failure a second time, and the second time may be the last one. That is not an exaggeration - it is reality, and we should not try to hide from reality and the truth. Instead of undermining the authority of the United Nations, whether it is in connexion with the implementation of the Declaration on colonialism, or in connexion with the reduction of the efficiency and role of the United Nations in the field of peace-keeping, we must reconsider our attitude, and this time we must really make a determined effort to strengthen our own instrument of peace, our own instrument of justice, freedom and equality.
62. It is, I believe, appropriate in that connexion, and in conclusion, to express the view that the Secretary-General of the United Nations U Thant, should remain in his post; we sincerely hope that he will find it possible to do so. U Thant has proved to be a great Secretary-General. His ability, his knowledge, his experience, his patience, his objectivity, his faith and his dedication to the purposes and ideals of the United Nations, and above all his absolute and universally acknowledged honesty, are more than adequate reasons, in my submission, for him to retain the post of Secretary-General — and in particular at this most difficult time for humanity. The United Nations and the world cannot afford to lose his services. In appealing to him to continue to offer his services as Secretary-General, an appeal which has been unanimous-a most remarkable experience in history, which I am sure has made him feel that he belongs to the world-we must, at the same time and in turn, facilitate his task and assist him to fulfil his great mission. In that, we all have a duty to perform, and in particular the great Powers. Let us all make a determined effort to enable a dedicated servant of peace to continue discharging his duties effectively for the benefit of mankind.