Egypt

Six years ago, in September 2001, we, the representatives of the international community, stood united and in solidarity in the face of international terrorism. In all our languages, faiths and cultures, we expressed our condemnation of any terrorist act that targets innocent civilians. We denounced and deplored such acts, then resolved to work seriously to combat this grave and alarming phenomenon. We agreed to work earnestly, not only to deal with terrorism from a security perspective, but also to achieve long-awaited breakthroughs in the old crises and conflicts, which because of their complexity and longevity have overwhelmed the desperate and the hopeless in our particular region. Those conflicts fuel people’s sense of injustice and despair and push them into the ranks of those who espouse dark extremist ideas that consider violence as the only means of operation and even sometimes as an end in itself. We were all prepared for action. There was a widespread belief in the Middle East region that major breakthroughs were imminent, that the successful containment and eradication of international terrorism would take place not only through security operations but also through concurrent actions of equal importance aimed at draining its intellectual resources and freezing its human and financial assets. However, we seem to have gone astray during those six years. Our objectives were fragmented, and our energies were scattered. We failed as an international community to maintain the huge momentum generated in this very Hall in September 2001, that momentum which found expression in our resolve to work together to defuse tensions in our region as a step towards the settlement of its chronic political conflicts. Regrettably, narrow-minded, domestic political agendas have been imposed by some, and unwise objectives have replaced the lofty ones that we had planned to achieve. Instead of focusing on the eradication of the hotbeds of international terrorism hotbeds which were not numerous six years ago we lost sight of our main goal and vision. The eradication of international terrorism was no longer the goal but instead became a loose phrase. There was oppression, torture and humiliation, and, on the other side, more violence, resistance and atrocities. This came as no surprise to us, since the objective was regrettably lost. We all stood stunned and flabbergasted before the events that were unfolding in this region and the world. How could we have been diverted from our goal? How could it be that our world was dragged down almost to the level of a clash between civilizations, cultures and religions? Why are some attempting to thrust the holy religion of Islam into the labyrinth of a limitless clash with the West, a clash that serves no one’s interests? To the contrary, it causes everyone grievous harm. Here comes the question: what can we, the national people of the world, do to get back on course? In all honesty, I must tell you that this last question is our main concern in the Middle East. Despite the importance of the other questions, and even though we are fully aware of the answers thereto, we prefer to leave aside these questions and to let the historians and scholars probe them, detect any errors and assign historical responsibility to each party. But in truth the more urgent task is to get back on course by finding a way out of the dark tunnel we have been forced into. In our opinion, the right way to proceed is to go back to where we should have started from in the first place and to address directly and effectively the chronic conflicts, foremost among them being the Arab-Israeli conflict and its core issue, the Palestinian question. Any attempt to achieve stability and disseminate peace and security in the world without a serious settlement of the Palestinian question and the Arab- Israeli conflict will not be successful. The opposite is also true. Serious and sustained action to achieve a just and comprehensive settlement of that conflict and that question directly serves international peace and security and contributes to the stabilization of the Middle East region. All of us are aware of the importance of Middle East stability for the stability of the world at large. Furthermore, we are duty-bound to continue our work to defuse tensions in Iraq and Lebanon and to stabilize and improve the situation in Darfur. It is hard to believe that sixteen years have already passed since the convening of the historic Madrid Peace Conference between the Arabs and Israel. Fourteen years have elapsed since the signing of the first Palestinian-Israeli accord in Oslo. Eleven years ago, Arab States adopted peace as their strategic option to end their conflict with Israel. Five full years have passed since the declaration by the Arab States of their historic initiative regarding their readiness to establish normal peace relations with Israel in return for the latter’s withdrawal from the territories it occupied by force in 1967 and for the just settlement of the Palestinian question. It has also been five years since the Palestinians and the Israelis reached a number of agreed points and memorandums that come very close to the final settlement of this question. Given all of the above, one would scarcely believe that peace today still seems farther away than it was in the early 1990s. It is hard to believe that there is now talk going around in vicious circles about the bases and principles of the settlement, which are already known to all of us. It is also hard to believe that strenuous efforts are made to resume negotiations to agree yet again on mechanisms and formulations. Rehashing those old and worn-out subjects is an exercise in futility. We in Egypt realize that the persistence of this conflict inflames passions and minds in the region. The Assembly knows the efforts and sacrifices made by Egypt in order to put a just and comprehensive end to this historic conflict in a manner that serves the interests of all parties. But this issue requires leadership; it requires courage from all parties. It also requires a clear and correct vision that the lack of a peaceful settlement of this conflict not only denies the right of a whole people to freedom and dignity, but also feeds directly the calls for violence, extremism and the relinquishing of peaceful and political negotiation as a means to achieve the objective. Thus the conflict will continue to rage for years to come; peoples will continue to suffer; the world will continue to face the current state of sharp instability and polarization, as we are currently witnessing. Egypt has displayed and continues to display its constant readiness to work with all parties: Palestinians, Israelis, Americans, Europeans and all those who take to heart the interests of the Palestinian people, the interests of the peoples of the region and the interest of world peace and stability. Our purpose is to achieve the resumption of serious political dialogue, which would lead to a settlement within a strict, specified time frame. We will spare no effort to achieve that objective. We will not despair in the face of problems and difficulties. We will work in all sincerity because we are committed to the cause of our Palestinian brothers and to the establishment of an independent, sovereign Palestinian State on the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital. We will continue to work because we are committed to the liberation of the rest of the occupied Arab territories in Syria and Lebanon and because we are committed to the objective of achieving just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East. In this respect, the meeting called for by President Bush this fall may, if well prepared, provide an important opportunity to achieve long-awaited progress. Brotherly Iraq continues to bleed; thousands of its citizens continue to be killed; thousands more continue to flee as a result of difficult living conditions. The state of today’s Iraq breaks the heart of one and all. In spite of the political process in Iraq, which we understood and encouraged, events on the ground, with their extremely negative repercussions, are what shapes today’s Iraq and its image before the international community. Iraq today sorely needs leaders and leaderships that are keen on preserving the unity of this major Arab country. It needs leaders who seek consensus and steer away from sectarianism and confessionalism. It needs leaders who extend the hand of dialogue to each other, who do not point guns at one another: it needs leaders who close ranks to combat the illegal armed factions and militias that take the lives of dozens of Iraqis everyday. It needs leaders who would sit together to agree on the shape and future of the State of Iraq in the Iraqi Constitution, which we believe should express the hopes and dreams of all Iraqis without exclusion or marginalization. It should build a modern developed State that is enriched by its diversity and that does not allocate its posts on the basis of sect or ethnic background in a manner that causes tension and increases discord. Egypt reiterates the importance of the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iraq in a manner that enjoys the consensus of all Iraqis. We also reiterate the need for foreign interventions to cease influencing developments in that sisterly country. Egypt reaffirms its full support for any regional or international effort that assists Iraqis to overcome this difficult situation. By the same token, Egypt will continue to consistently call upon Iraqis to show unity and engage in dialogue in order to restore and strengthen trust among them. Brotherly Lebanon is also going through a sensitive crisis. The prospects for settling that crisis seem remote and difficult in view of internal differences and the regional tug-of-war. The situation in Lebanon is delicate and must not be burdened by the weight of the conflicts raging in the region. Therefore, Egypt has consistently called for Lebanon to be left to its people to determine what they wish for themselves. We continue to encourage Lebanon’s politicians to engage in dialogue among themselves. It is our hope that they will be able to deal with the upcoming entitlements, foremost and most important among which are the presidential elections, in a manner consistent with the Lebanese Constitution and that would enable them to preserve Lebanon’s constitutional institutions and the proud achievements of its democracy. The Lebanese model of coexistence is significant and should not be allowed to suffer a setback similar to that suffered in the past. Egypt will work with all parties to achieve that objective. Since the onset of its crisis, the Darfur region of Sudan has witnessed difficult conditions. This has required time, effort and hard work from all of us to defuse that crisis and to reach a settlement that would ensure for the whole population of the region the right to a decent life. Egypt welcomed the broad concern of the international community over those difficult conditions and sought, in cooperation with concerned international and regional parties, to bring the parties in the crisis close to each other. As concrete proof of its concern for the stabilization of the situation in Darfur, Egypt has offered a generous contribution of nearly 3,500 troops to the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in the region. That offer still stands. In addition, Egypt has contributed to the development of the region by drilling 40 boreholes that would make water resources available to larger numbers of people in Darfur. Egypt profoundly believes in the three main pillars of international disarmament treaties: non-proliferation, disarmament and the inherent right of every State to the peaceful use of nuclear energy. In 1995, Egypt accepted the indefinite extension of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons within an integrated package that included a resolution calling upon all States of the region without exception, to accede to the Treaty and compelling those States responsible for the maintenance of international security to discharge their responsibilities. However, this objective is still to be achieved because Israel has not yet acceded to the Treaty despite all the international and regional calls on it to do so. Today’s world is regrettably witnessing an imbalance and double standards in dealings with the various parties that have nuclear ambitions, potential or expertise. Egypt believes that the international disarmament and non-proliferation system will be strengthened and that regional security in the Middle East will be reinforced only when a single standard is applied equally to all the States of the region without exception. The previous session witnessed many serious efforts and consultations concerning the question of the reform and expansion of the Security Council. Despite the plethora of consultations, meetings and endeavours, this objective remains elusive. As a member of the African Group, Egypt once again states its full commitment to the specifics of the unified African position. It remains a fair and balanced position that would, if implemented, achieve legitimate African aspirations. I cannot fail to refer here to the fact that the reform of the working methods of the Security Council is a genuine objective in itself that must not fade or be obscured by the attempts of some to expand the Council. We have plenty of work to do, but since time is short I would like to say that the state of our world is no cause for rejoicing. Rather it is a cause for concern. This requires us to work together with open minds in order to change it for the better, and in order to meet the aspirations of our peoples to freedom, justice, a dignified life, security and peace. During this session, Egypt will raise and defend the priorities and visions I have put forward in this statement along with a host of other subjects that time did not allow me to address. It is our hope that we will all write in responding to the challenges facing us. We all bear responsibility and will all suffer the consequences of failure.