21. In the first place, Mr, President, may I congratulate you on your well-deserved election and wish you success in achieving the objectives of the United Nations Charter, objectives which, today as in the past, provide the indispensable foundation of peace and security which will enable mankind to contemplate the future without fear or anxiety.
22. Speaking for myself and for my Government, I also wish to thank Mr. Fanfani, who presided over the twentieth session of the General Assembly with the authority and efficiency which distinguish him.
23. I further take this opportunity, on behalf of my Government, to welcome a fellow American country, Guyana, as a new Member State. Guyana was already a member of the community of free nations and it has now joined our Organization, an event which rejoices us all.
24. A year ago when the General Assembly met to mark the twentieth anniversary of the United Nations [1347th meeting], the desire for peace was solemnly and unanimously affirmed and we heard the august words of the Supreme Pontiff in an unforgettable message appealing to the conscience of mankind to make peace and security a reality in international life, where co-operation and progress alone should prevail and whence hatred, aggression And violence should be banished for ever. Yet today the world situation, kept in a state of continual crisis which arouses anxiety in every country, has in no way improved despite the fact that in a few cases practical results have been achieved.
25. Thus, as an instructive symbol of what can be done and providing a demonstration that discussion is the best way in which to reach mutual understanding, two closely related countries, India and Pakistan, showed us what the will for peace can achieve when it is exercised effectively and when understanding is sought through international organizations. And so the possibility of a new and wasteful armed conflict was avoided. Uruguay pays a tribute to the Governments and peoples of Pakistan and India for the practical lesson they have given to the international community.
26. Or again, consider what has happened in America, the blessed land in which we live, where, despite all its social and economic problems, peace and the desire to co-operate prevail. In America we are witnessing concerted action so that we can face the future with unity of purpose, and an attempt to improve the regional system, which we visualize not merely as an organization to enable the American continent to fulfil the objectives of peace and security laid down in the United Nations Charter, but also as a means of achieving economic integration, cooperation in every matter and the progress of the American States, thus giving men a free, honourable and happy future.
27. In this connexion, I should like to draw attention to the establishment of the Latin American Parliament, a forum in which the views of our peoples will be represented. This will further the process of integration in our continent.
28. In 1966, another encouraging event took place in this region: the crisis in the Dominican Republic was successfully overcome by the free will of its people, through the exercise of their right to vote.
29. At the appropriate moment, Uruguay clearly stated that its policy was one of non-intervention and it now confirms that policy. Events subsequent to April 1965 have proved that our views were correct and that the proper way to solve the difficulty was to rely solely on the conscience and will of the people.
30. My Government does not believe that these events provide any reason for changing or qualifying the principle of non-intervention in force in this continent, a principle which was ratified by the General Assembly in its historic resolution 2131 (XX) of 21 December 1965 and one that is not incompatible with international action when such action is legally and politically relevant.
31. From the point of view of harmonious relations in the American continent, my Government considers it important to draw attention to the following wise and categorical statement in that resolution: "No State shall organize, assist, foment, finance, incite or tolerate subversive, terrorist or armed activities directed towards the violent overthrow of the regime of another State, or interfere in civil strife in another State."
32. Nevertheless, the existence of instances such as these — and others could be cited — where the situation today can be regarded as being better than it was a year ago, is in no way a reason for taking an optimistic view of the international situation.
33. We continue to live in a world in a state of constant tension, a world in which there are localized wars that endanger world peace, because peace is indivisible: in the modern world there is no important international problem which can be of no concern or significance to us.
34. Uruguay is the smallest in size of the countries in the southern part of the American continent. It has no substantial mineral wealth; its economy is based mainly on the marketing of agricultural and stock-farming products. At first sight, we would seem to represent here only a small, poor country. I say "at first sight" because actually Uruguay can take pride in being a country of great wealth, since it is a genuine example of representative democracy, social well-being, full civic freedom and integrity in international co-operation.
35. My country has consistently pacific traditions and sincerely and whole-heartedly supports the work of the United Nations, because it is convinced that in our time poverty, hunger, illiteracy, hatred, exaggerated ideas about national grandeur and the unbridled desire for power are more dangerous to peace than the ideological or political differences between Member States.
36. My country does not want a world marked by the irreconcilable confrontation of two antagonistic groups which keep humanity in a state of precarious peace, as a result of rivalry based on atomic power. Despite the complications and despite all the difficulties it entails, what we want is an active and creative peace based on law and on international co-operation, a peace that is the fruit of a conviction that nothing great or permanent can be created without such co-operation, in which States with different regimes must be partners in a common effort to achieve peace and economic and social progress.
37. There can be no true peace unless there is sovereign equality of all States, and unless there is full acceptance of the idea that international law applies to every nation, whether large or small, whether strong or weak.
38. So, inspired by these ideas, by the proud example of our political structure and by our conduct in international affairs, we have on more than one occasion, both now and in the past, raised our voices in this place to urge strongly that world peace should finally become a reality.
39. On this occasion, like many sincere and high-minded speakers, we should like to draw attention to the great and serious perils facing the world today.
40. We read with deep emotion the recent Encyclical Christi Matri Rosarii in which His Holiness Pope Paul VI, after referring again to some of the ideas he expressed in his address to the General Assembly on 4 October last year [1347th meeting], states:
"A settlement should be reached now, even at the expense of some inconvenience or loss; for it may have to be made later in the train of bitter slaughter and involve great loss. But this peace must rest on justice and the liberty of mankind, and take into account the rights of individuals and communities. Otherwise it will be shifting and unstable."
41. Let us bear in mind, too, the deep concern expressed by the Secretary-General — to whom once again I wish to convey in public my Government's hope that he will not relinquish his office — in the striking introduction to his annual report in which he paints this gloomy but realistic and sincere picture of the present situation:
"The international political situation has not improved. The cloud over Viet-Nam has grown larger and more ominous. The serious open conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir has, with the help of the United Nations, been calmed but tensions have been heightened and violence has erupted elsewhere. Nuclear as well as conventional armaments have developed apace. Comparatively little has happened to brighten the prospects of those who occupy the two thirds of the world where poverty, disease, ignorance and lack of opportunity are the most conspicuous facts of daily life. Frustrations have been more dominant than constructive change in respect of such longstanding problems as the situations in South Africa, South West Africa, and Southern Rhodesia, and such long-standing disputes as those in Cyprus and the Middle East.
"These are conditions which, even if they strongly underline the need for the United Nations, are at the same time not conducive to the most effective action of which the Organization is capable. Generally speaking and as reflected by positions taken in the United Nations, the powerful nations have not during this period shown themselves able to rise above the suspicions, fears and mistrust that spring from their different ideologies and from their different conceptions of the best interests of the rest of the world; nor the rich nations above their concern for the continuation of their own prosperity; nor the poor nations above the dead weight of their chronic poverty and their anachronistic social structures." [A/6301/Add.1, p. 1.]
42. Those are the words of the Secretary-General and that is how he summarized the situation,
43. For Uruguay the continuation of the conflict in Viet-Nam is — as U Thant also stated in his letter dated 1 September — a constant reproach to the conscience of humanity.
44. Surely in the entire course of history no other generation has held such a responsibility as ours towards the whole of humanity. For we must bear in mind that we — all of us — are perfectly well aware that this conflict which is actually taking place and which we appear to wish to ignore may be the prelude to a general war and to a possible atomic holocaust, So we are rehearsing our own annihilation.
45. People nowadays know full well that a conflict of that kind would lead to their destruction and total elimination.
46. The United Nations cannot remain indifferent to this war, which grows more serious and more threatening every day.
47. We must put an end to the distressing conflict in Viet-Nam. Public opinion throughout the world demands a solution to this long and bloody conflict which, as I have said, may have irreparable consequences if it continues.
48. The most productive part of the land on which the conflict is taking place, the land of an ancient people whose existence goes back to the dawn of history, has been virtually destroyed. The country's youth, representing its hopes and its future, is being mercilessly liquidated. Young people are dying on either side, the victims of ideas that are no concern of theirs and using weapons provided by foreign Powers.
49. What is the world waiting for, when this terrible conflict is daily becoming more serious and when it is confronted with the sufferings of Viet-Nam? Perhaps Schiller's words would be apposite here: "Since when have the seeds of happiness no longer been growing in this earth?"
50. This peace which is essential, which the world desires and my country demands obviously cannot come about merely as a consequence of an admission that subversion and aggression have triumphed. Discussion and negotiation are essential and inescapable. We believe that by that method and by recognizing the fundamental principles of international law and justice, it would be possible to obtain a negotiated peace and one which at the same time would be just and honourable. The possibility of immediate negotiations without prior conditions could become a reality now if there is a sincere desire for peace.
51. What the world longs for is that the two great Powers, the United States of America and the Soviet Union, in addition to the clear and emphatic statements they have made here and on other occasions that have attracted attention throughout the world, should, by adopting a positive approach and by deeds which speak louder than words, bring about the events which will lead to peace for this long-suffering Asian people. And so this people will be able to begin its life anew — a life disrupted for countless years by the scourge of war — to bring up new generations of its children and prepare them for the future, and to remove the scars of war from its martyred land, making it fertile and fit for sowing.
52. In our view, Mr. Goldberg's recent statement to this Assembly [1412th meeting] on behalf of the United States, was a significant contribution to the settlement of the conflict. It was an important act of collaboration, since, on behalf of his country, he said that it was ready to undertake unconditional negotiations.
53. That is how we see the present situation. So we cannot understand why negotiations with a view to a peaceful settlement are not being begun forthwith and why no attention is paid to the anguished appeals of all mankind. Meanwhile the war goes on, a war which will settle nothing and inevitably make our present problems more difficult.
54. This question must arouse concern within the United Nations and fall within its competence. Although there are parties to the conflict which are not members of the Organization, Uruguay hopes — and indeed makes a fervent appeal to that effect — that the United Nations will give impetus to efforts to achieve a peaceful settlement of this conflict, thus making it clear that all its Members sincerely desire peace and that its purposes and principles, which are of universal application, must be complied with in order to put an end to any conflict which may endanger international peace and security.
55. No one can doubt that it is desirable — indeed, I might say necessary — that the United Nations should achieve true universality of membership and that it should represent all States and all peoples. Surely it is a matter of worldwide importance that mainland China, with its 700 million inhabitants, should be a member of the Organization and that its voice should be heard in the United Nations?
56. Yet, despite this, the truth is that today we cannot contemplate the possibility of membership in the case of a State which has not only made it clear that it is not peace-loving, a condition laid down in Article 4 of the Charter, but has refused to recognize the Purposes and Principles of the Organization, and continues to do so. So long as mainland China does not show that it intends to carry out loyally and in good faith the international obligations which it would incur under the Charter, it cannot be admitted, whatever the legal form in which the question appears in the agenda.
57. Another relevant point that should be mentioned in order to clarify the position is the fact that no request for membership has been submitted by the Peking Government to the United Nations and that, strictly according to the applicable legal principles, it is questionable whether the United Nations is competent to decide, on its own initiative, the question of the legitimate representation of China in the Organization.
58. Turning to another topic, we may well say that the process of decolonization, the ratification of the right to self-determination of all peoples, has been one of the most successful chapters in the history of the United Nations.
59. The application of the historic General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), a task in which my country has played its part with constant devotion, has led today to the almost complete elimination of the political colonialism which until a few years ago cast its shadow over large parts of the world.
60. Nevertheless, the Organization's work in this connexion is not only unfinished but complex and difficult as well.
61. The campaign for the total abolition of colonialist oppression and for the eradication of the evil and abhorrent policy of apartheid must continue.
62. In particular, Uruguay considers it essential to find a solution for distressing and dangerous situations such as that which exists in South West Africa.
63. We feel bound to say, in this connexion, that the Judgment of the International Court of Justice of 18 July last astonished and saddened us.
64. On legal grounds that in our view are wholly mistaken, the Court dismissed, for formal reasons, the application by Ethiopia and Liberia. This means that the Mandate for South West Africa will continue unchecked, at least for the time being. This deplorable judgement does not, however, alter the conclusions on the substance of the affair reached by the Court in its advisory opinions and in its decision of 1962. Consequently my delegation considers — and we shall make a special statement on this point when the actual item is under discussion — that the United Nations must continue to examine the problem with a view to taking decisions which, while respecting law and justice, will make it possible to put into effect the principles and purposes of the Organization with regard to the ending of colonialism, oppression and all policies of racial discrimination in South West Africa.
65. The question of Southern Rhodesia has been a matter of deep concern to the United Nations in recent years, and its anxiety has increased since the crisis brought about last October as a result of the unilateral declaration of independence by the present minority regime in Southern Rhodesia.
66. In the various organs of the United Nations, Uruguay has repeatedly upheld the right of Southern Rhodesia as a whole to self-determination and independence, and has opposed any political system based on racial discrimination and not truly representative of the majority of the population.
67. In the Security Council [1261st meeting], the Uruguayan delegation fully aware of the gravity of such a step maintained that, as the measures that had been taken had up to then failed to produce the desired results, the time had come to apply certain mandatory sanctions of an economic nature, under Chapter VII of the Charter, against the Salisbury regime, in a serious and determined effort to ensure that the people of Southern Rhodesia became masters of their own destiny.
68. As regards the question of the Malvinas and the question of Gibraltar, my country has made its attitude clear both in the Committee of Twenty-four and in the last session of the General Assembly. We wish to express our satisfaction at the start of the negotiations recommended by the United Nations with a view to achieving an amicable settlement of these two problems.
69. Uruguay's pacific policy and its belief that any conflict, even if localized, constitutes a danger to world peace, lead us to hope that a final settlement will be found in the Near East by peaceful means, thus ensuring that States with whose peoples my country enjoys very special ties of friendship and co-operation will together live in harmony and go forward.
70. The fight to establish an international order which will guarantee to every individual, irrespective of race, political ideology or religion, the recognition and enjoyment of all his personal rights, must go on unrelentingly.
71. A matter of major concern to my country, which is a secular State, is the all too familiar persecution of religious ideas which unfortunately takes place in various parts of the world. In Uruguay, there is no official religion and the State permits the practise of any creed that believers choose to establish; we cannot therefore comprehend the persecution of people who make a pure offering to their religion of all that is best in themselves, mind, spirit and soul.
72. As we all know, crosses and symbols may be buried, men may try to efface the figure of Jesus, close synagogues or shut mosques and other places of worship, but there is no known human force that can divest man's noblest sentiments of the symbol of his faith, which is itself the greatest hope that can inspire any inhabitant of this earth, be he rich or poor — and here indeed there is no discrimination.
73. Uruguay therefore records its protest against any form of religious persecution and any attempt to close places of worship.
74. My country, which has co-operated in all the attempts to achieve these aims and has helped in preparing the ground for the International Year for Human Rights in 1968, will support with its voice and with its vote in this Assembly any step representing real and positive progress in this sphere.
75. The world struggle against poverty, whether of States or individuals, must be given fresh impetus, with a view to ensuring economic co-operation, a fair level of prices for raw materials and a system of international trade based on equality rather than spoliation. The unbelievable sums now devoted to creating almost diabolical weapons of destruction — a result of the failure of attempts at disarmament and of competition in space, which is often nothing but a pretext for perfecting and augmenting the means of man's destruction — should fundamentally be employed in promoting, with all the immense resources of modern science and technology, the economic development of the whole of mankind. No one anywhere on this planet can feel safe or happy as long as he knows that there are hundreds of millions of human beings lacking shelter, food and any hope of a decent future.
76. In conclusion, I wish to thank you for giving me the opportunity to express the feelings, opinions and convictions which stir the hearts and minds of the people of my country, Uruguay, on matters of international politics. Although I have done my best to explain the anxieties of my Government and my country, it is difficult for one man to give an adequate picture of the deepest feelings of my people on all these matters and so to reveal and explain to you what lies behind our policy.
77. The wise saying of Heraclitus of Ephesus, handed down to us through the centuries, is perhaps a fitting judgement for us: "The fairest harmony springs from discord."
78. Uruguay wishes to state once again that it is in favour of peace, respect for human rights, the policy of non-intervention and the maximum opportunities for the self-determination of peoples. It hopes that, when we come home, we can say that on this occasion and at this session of the General Assembly the dreams and hopes of those who conceived the San Francisco Charter are receiving a glorious fulfilment.