96. The twenty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly opens, to our deep regret, inauspiciously, under the shadow of the most serious episode in the crisis that has shaken our Organization for many years, and especially since the accession to independence of many developing countries, which, as we know, has profoundly changed the balance of world forces. This crisis merely reflects the more general crisis of the colonialist system of imperialism. It has been suggested that the resignation of U Thant precipitated a crisis: but we must place this resignation in its true context within the over-all international situation. U Thant did not resign because he felt his burden was too heavy or that he was too tired and wanted to rest. He did not resign because he was weak or did not know which way to turn,
97. U Thant's resignation is a dramatic and at the same time noble and courageous gesture, a cry of distress and alarm at the inexorable march of international events towards a world war, at a time when the United Nations, the instrument of international peace and security, is paralysed and no longer able to play the role given it by the Charter. U Thant's resignation is an appeal to the world conscience to awaken and to restore to the United Nations its responsibilities and its rights. His resignation is an unreserved condemnation of the attitude of certain great Powers that have abdicated in face of their duty, and certain small non-aligned Powers that have refused to play their role in maintaining a balance of world forces. U Thant's resignation did not precipitate the crisis: it is merely a consequence of the crisis in the United Nations. But why is the United Nations paralysed? Mali has already given the answer, in recent years, from this rostrum of the General Assembly, and will repeat it today.
98. The United Nations is paralysed because one of the great Powers of the world, arrogant in its supremacy of force as one of the most outstanding United States Senators, Senator Fulbright, the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the United States Senate, has himself recognized) has violated the sovereignty of a free and independent country which it is bombing daily, destroying towns and villages and subjecting a courageous and proud people to indescribable suffering. By such action, this Power has violated the principles of the United Nations Charter, of which it was one of the main architects. It has violated the 1954 and 1962 Geneva Agreements and has committed flagrant aggression against an independent State, although it is precisely the maintenance of international peace and security with which it is charged under the United Nations Charter. If the policy of brute force, the policy of arbitrary and unilateral intervention in the domestic affairs of an independent country, is henceforth to take the place of the rules of international law and the principles of the Charter — as we have already seen in the Dominican Republic and in Cuba — then the law of the jungle may prevail in future in international affairs.
99. The United Nations is paralysed because it is not capable of fulfilling its obligations in the face of this violation of the Charter, since its universality is being impaired by efforts, employing pressure, manoeuvres and blackmail, to prevent the restoration of the rights of a people who constitute one quarter of the whole of mankind, and the admission of certain countries that are refused membership in this international Organization on abstract legal grounds. But how can the United Nations make an effective contribution to the settlement of the Viet-Namese problem as long as the People's Republic of China and the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam are not Members of the Organization? The reason why those countries and the National Liberation Front deny the United Nations any role and there are no prospects of positive action by the Organization under present circumstances, is that they realize — and rightly so — that their rights cannot be fully defended and safeguarded until such time as they have an equal voice with other Member States. Let those who speak of possible United Nations intervention in the Viet-Namese conflict and those who preach a "United Nations role" simply ask themselves whether they would agree to their own vital interests being discussed and settled without them: let them ask themselves whether they would tolerate any discussion of their problems in their absence.
100. We raise the question of Viet-Nam from this rostrum because events, and life itself, impose this problem, in all its gravity and incalculable consequences, on the universal conscience.
101. The United Nations is paralysed because, in its present form, it is powerless to intervene where it should properly intervene; it is powerless because, in its constituent bodies and in its Secretariat, there is an imbalance in the relationship of world forces. However great the integrity and impartiality of international civil servants, those who are "excluded" and "banned" from the United Nations cannot be prevented from mistrusting the Organization and wondering whether they can expect any justice from it. Are they not right to doubt and mistrust our aims and intentions when they have been systematically kept away for years?
102. The United Nations is paralysed because it is today politically and practically impossible for it to prevent wars of aggression; for if the Security Council faithfully reflected the reality of our times and was able to act as it should, how could the unilateral and arbitrary interventions of certain great Powers against small States be explained and justified? Yesterday it was Suez, Cuba, the Dominican Republic; today it is Viet-Nam.
103. The United Nations is paralysed because, as a rule, the resolutions of the Security Council, like those of the General Assembly, remain to a great extent a deadletter; because seventy-three resolutions against South Africa have not toppled the abominable racist regime of Pretoria; because not one of the many decisions against the Portuguese colonies has been complied with; and because the measures prescribed against the racist and illegal regime of Ian Smith are being ignored by the great and by most of the small.
104. Finally, the United Nations is paralysed — and this must be said — because the great Powers seem to prefer discussion and negotiation outside the United Nations. More and more is heard of the special responsibilities of the great Powers, and some are even toying with the idea of setting up a weighted voting system that would create a kind of supremacy for the great Powers, in proportion to their financial contribution to the Organization and their opinion of themselves. And, on the other hand, the small Powers, regrettably, are not sufficiently anxious to impose the views of the vast majority of peoples by coordinating their policies and synchronizing their actions.
105. Thus, we see that the United Nations is living in an unreal atmosphere. For how many years have we been talking of disarmament, the cessation of nuclear tests and the control of outer space? Yet we all know that all agreements, discussions and negotiations will be fruitless and vain as long as they do not include all the nuclear Powers, without which no agreement can in fact work.
106. U Thant has been asked to reconsider his resignation. Why? So that he may continue, powerless and disillusioned, to witness the collapse of the Organization to which he has unceasingly devoted his efforts, his energies, his dedication and his life? So that he may continue to preside, from the thirty-eighth floor, over the downfall of the United Nations? So that he may bring ignominy upon himself? U Thant is right in refusing a second term of office under these conditions, and our respect and admiration for his worthy and noble stand are shared by the peoples of the whole world.
107. Let us first of all mobilize our efforts to settle the problems besetting the international organization. Every day, every hour, let us campaign against the dreadful war in Viet-Nam. Let us co-ordinate our efforts to ensure that the aggression against North Viet-Nam ceases and that South Viet-Nam, led by the glorious army of the National Liberation Front, realizes its aspirations. Let us stop giving aid to the aggressor by justifying his attacks against North Viet-Nam or his presence in South Viet-Nam. Let those who state that the puppet regime of Saigon has the right to appeal for external assistance remember their own experience in the struggle against colonialism and realize that the soldiers of the National Liberation Front, who are fighting in the rice fields and the jungle, are waging the same struggle that they, like other African and Asian peoples, waged for their national independence. All this means that if we want U Thant to reconsider his decision or if we want a possible successor to be able worthily and honestly to accomplish his task, it is essential that those who bear the responsibility for the aggravation of the world situation and those who, by their passivity and indifference, perpetuate this crisis, should act immediately to create the conditions in which the Organization can operate soundly and effectively.
108. First of all, the bombing of North Viet-Nam must stop, the foreign troops in South Viet-Nam must withdraw, the National Liberation Front must be recognized as the only valid negotiator — for it is the Front that is fighting, and it is the Front that is being fought — and the settlement of the Viet-Namese problem must be negotiated within the framework of compliance with, and complete implementation of, the Geneva Agreements. The Viet-Namese people alone must decide how they wish to be governed in future, without outside interference.
109. Finally, if the United Nations is to play the role it ought to play, it must be "restructured" and must stop ostracizing certain countries; the People's Republic of China must resume its seat in the Organization; the Secretary-General must have the wherewithal to make his contribution to the maintenance of peace; and the great Powers must cease to think in terms of power and force and learn to regard the United Nations as an instrument of peace and not of pressure on the great number of small States.
110. A distinguished representative has stated, in this very Assembly; "The greater a nation's power, the greater is its responsibility for peace". We endorse this statement provided it is more than just a slogan. Those who can do most can, indeed, also do least. Such a Power, if it really wants to maintain peace and retain the services of U Thant, a tireless worker in the cause of peace, can say to U Thant tomorrow: "In the name of peace, I ask you to remain at your post, I shall halt the bombing of North Viet- Nam, I shall begin the evacuation of military forces based in South Viet-Nam, and I propose a round-table conference with the National Liberation Front, North Viet-Nam and all the signatories of the 1954 and 1962 Geneva Agreements; and, lastly, the Charter will no longer be violated."
111. In our opinion, this would be the best way to retain the services of U Thant and to consider the cause of peace in South-East Asia and perhaps throughout the world as victorious. The United Nations would then be saved from the disintegration which now threatens it.
112. You will have remarked that throughout my analysis of the continuing crisis which imperils our Organization year after year and of which the resignation of U Thant is but one of the dramatic consequences, I have been led to emphasize what is, in the eyes of my delegation, the problem of the hour; the war imposed upon the people of Viet-Nam. In the opinion of the Government of Mali, the Viet-Namese conflict must take precedence over all other problems because, in the present state of international affairs, it is the one which more than any other raises the question of whether there is to be war or peace. On its speedy settlement will depend peace or a deterioration of the world situation ending in a world war.
113. The position of my country is well known and has not varied; my country staunchly supports the struggle of the martyred Viet-Namese people. At the opening of this twenty-first session of the General Assembly, it is with deep dismay that all peace and progress-loving countries note the obvious desire of the imperialists to exterminate this brave people. Our Organization can and must face its responsibilities — it must not be a helpless witness of genocide.
114. In the name of the principles of the Charter, in the name of the permanent humanitarian principles of all ages, our Assembly must halt this massacre of innocent victims, the bombing of schools, marketplaces and houses, the use of poison gas, the destruction of an entire nation's means of production. It is time to bow to the wishes of all the peoples of the world, including the great people of the United States, only 42 per cent of whom, according to Dr. Gallup, are in favour of the war in Viet-Nam. It is time to listen to the agonized appeals of hundreds of millions of peace-loving, honest people of every nationality, way of thought and religion; the appeals and encyclicals of the Pope and those of many prominent persons in the United States, Senators and Representatives, whether it be William Fulbright, Robert Kennedy, Mansfield or Pastore, or the Vice-Chairman of the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy who only recently implored the United States leaders and Chiefs of Staff not to use nuclear or thermo-nuclear weapons in Viet-Nam.
115. The unpopularity of the war in Viet-Nam needs no further demonstration. The legend of the North's aggression against the South no longer deceives anyone, no more than the old outworn bogey of communism, all slogans intended to disguise the real situation, that is the national liberation struggle of a people who have risen as one man to defend their country. An end must be put at once to the long Calvary of the Viet-Namese people if the rest of the world is to avoid the risk of a general conflagration.
116. Hitler too began by disregarding treaties and agreements and despising world opinion, he too had a power complex and believed in the superiority of a "chosen" people over the rest of the human race. His fight, for a moment victorious, ended in blood and universal condemnation. Men of peace and progress such as we must say "No" to genocide, "No" to the kind of adventure that begins with the destruction of a small, peaceful and courageous people and may well end in a Hitlerian extravaganza that will spare no one.
117. Since we are all convinced of the vanity of a military victory over a people as fiercely determined as the heroic people of Viet-Nam, we must find a peaceful and realistic solution. My delegation believes that the four-point programme of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the five-point programme of the National Liberation Front remain perfectly valid. We also believe that in order to make possible a meeting at the bargaining table, de-escalation is essential and troops and military supplies based on the national soil of Viet-Nam will have to be withdrawn. Talks could then open in an atmosphere of calm and realism, within the framework of the Geneva Agreements of 1954 and 1962 — for the aggressive manoeuvres against the peaceful peoples of Cambodia and Laos must also cease.
118. The initiative would then be returned to the Viet-Namese peoples, who are alone entitled to determine freely their future and to decide on the ways and means of reunification, to make their own choice in full sovereignty. This is the self-determination of peoples, this is the pledge of peace and security in this heroic and ravaged Indo-China which has been fighting for a quarter of a century for its freedom and its right to an independent national life.
119. Fundamentally, whatever happens in Viet-Nam directly affects the interests of all the countries of the Third World. If aggression wins in Viet-Nam, each one of us risks being its victim tomorrow, because what the imperialists are fighting against in Viet-Nam is the right to the just struggle for national liberation which every people — including the people of the United States — has had to wage. It is interesting to remember that President Kennedy, when he was only a member of Congress, uttered a serious warning against all Western intervention in Indo-China, during the Franco-Viet-Namese war.
120. The Third World must condemn this war of extermination by the world's greatest military and economic power against one of the smallest countries. The honour and the dignity of the small nations are worth as much as those of the Great Powers. Only if the latter bear in mind the sovereign equality of States, which is one of the basic principles of the Charter, discard their power complex and refrain from pursuing a "big stick" policy, can an era of understanding and brotherly co-operation — transcending ideology, race and religion — begin, in international relations.
121. We hope that the worthy successors of Lincoln, Roosevelt and John F. Kennedy, in a surge of greatness, will put an end to this undeclared war by deciding to accept the realistic proposals put forward by many countries which are friendly to the people of the United States.
122. My delegation, anxious to work for a real peace among all nations and to strengthen our Organization, has never ceased to advocate the restoration of the legitimate rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations. For us it is not a purely formal question which is automatically laid before the General Assembly each year. At this point, the presence of the People's Republic of China is vitally necessary to the Organization itself, for one fact which is at present universally recognized is that we cannot in these days examine any problem at the international level without at the same time feeling the need for the People's Republic of China to take part in its solution.
123. The United Nations can no longer be conceived as serving the interests of a single group of Powers. Either it will be an organization on the world scale or it will have failed in its task. Its reason for existing is still to bring nations together, not to divide them. Its essential purpose is to preserve peace by permitting a dialogue among all peoples without any distinction, on a basis of strict equality and respect.
124. Every day makes it clearer how impossible it is for the international community to exclude any longer from great decisions which affect the future of the whole human race the country which holds nearly a quarter of that race. The Chinese people are one and indivisible, and their true Government is in Peking. To claim that they are represented by Chiang Kai-shek's regime is a denial of justice which the United Nations can no longer tolerate.
125. There is another phenomenon which has dominated the international political scene for the whole of this decade: the fact of colonialism, in its most abominable form, apartheid.
126. Of course, the international community long ago realized all the danger which these tw>o plagues constitute to humanity. It is true that six years ago the General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, in resolution 1514 (XV). The Special Committee which was set up to study its implementation has so far carried out its duties effectively. There is also the Special Committee on the Policies of Apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa. These are positive contributions, in the sense that they demonstrate the determination of nearly all States Members of the United Nations to wipe out these two phenomena completely as systems of shameless exploitation of man by man, contrary to the spirit of our time, and thus to the spirit of the United Nations Charter.
127. Each year, our Assembly reaffirms the Declaration on decolonization by adopting a general resolution in which it recognizes the inalienable right of the subject peoples to self-determination and independence. It has exhorted the administering Powers to cooperate more closely with the United Nations, calling upon them to apply the resolutions which it has adopted to hasten the liberation of millions of human beings who are still suffering under colonial rule. Lastly,
it has recognized the legitimacy of the national liberation movements of the oppressed peoples and their right to freedom and dignity, a right which is written in the Charter. In our view, it is a question now of implementing principles which we have for the most part recognized. The end of colonialism should come now, this very year.
128. When all the pertinent resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council continue to be ignored — not to say flouted — by the Governments of Portugal and South Africa and their allies, and when these two Governments, scorning the unceasing appeals of the entire world, continue to encourage the white racists of Southern Rhodesia to follow their example, we cannot but express here our anxiety as regards the future of this region of Africa. In fact, a year ago, we made a prophecy at this very rostrum which has, alas, since come to pass, for today Ian Smith is governing by force in Rhodesia. The racist minority of white settlers is imposing its will on four million blacks in their own country — Zimbabwe — contrary to all human laws. All of us, every day, see this state of affairs being consolidated, some countries offering scarcely veiled assistance and others not even deigning to decide what action is necessary to prevent it. Economic sanctions against Ian Smith are not enough; the United Kingdom, which is solely responsible for the sorry state of affairs in Rhodesia, must, in obedience to the General Assembly, bring itself to use force, which is all that is capable of restoring order and legality in Zimbabwe. The dilatory manoeuvring of the Wilson Government must cease.
129. The future of the former British High Commission territories of Botswana and Lesotho, whose independence we hail, cannot but be uncertain: landlocked territories, in the heart of the immense empire of apartheid, these countries are, now more than ever, threatened in their sovereignty and in their economic and social development, since the Pretoria regime no longer leaves any doubt of its real intentions, after the judgement handed down by the International Court of Justice on South West Africa.
130. The recent statement by the International Court of Justice was like a dagger in the heart of all Africans, for it has merely strengthened the lust of South Africa for all this area left to its mercy by the defunct League of Nations. We urge those judges who assumed the grave responsibility of such a decision to examine their consciences as men. There can be no doubt that they will feel, as well as the weight of their verdict, the disappointment and indignation of other men. We think of the three million Africans now handed over to their executioners because of the complicity of seven members of an institution whose aim, by a tragic irony of fate, is to do justice, to ensure equality and to defend the rule of law and international custom.
131. We cannot refrain from denouncing the attitude of those capitalist Powers which are supporting and encouraging the white racists of southern Africa. The African nations have sadly come to the conclusion that the encouragement given to the regime of Ian Smith, and the persistent contempt shown by Portugal and South Africa for our resolutions, result from the fact that the imperialists wish to continue through these regimes to pillage the vast wealth of Southern Rhodesia, Angola, Mozambique and Southwest Africa. The independent African States are entitled to demand that these Powers should reconsider their policy of investing in non-self-governing countries and should dismantle their military bases there.
132. There are urgent tasks awaiting men of goodwill. Vigorous action must be taken to force the usurpers to give up their madness in Rhodesia, in South Africa, and in the Territories under Portuguese rule, before it is too late. The States Members of the United Nations must live up to their responsibilities in the face of the tragedy that besets the colonial peoples and those which live under a regime of racial terror. The United Nations should tolerate no longer the existence of forms of society that degrade human beings.
133. The dark picture that is emerging in this part of southern Africa, which mankind as a whole must now be aware of, must not prevent us from saluting a happy event: the recent accession of Guyana to independence and its admission as the one hundred and eighteenth Member of the United Nations. Mali had the privilege of voting in favour of that admission when it came up in the Security Council. On that occasion, we did not fail to greet the courageous struggle waged by the people of that country to free themselves from the colonial yoke. I should like to repeat to the representatives of the new State present here the congratulations of the Government of the Republic of Mali, and to assure them of my delegation's desire to co-operate with them, as with all Members of this Assembly, in the achievement and consolidation of the objectives which the Organization has set for itself.
134. Since the beginning of this year, the Republic of Mali has had the honour of sitting on the Security Council, the organ charged with the maintenance of international peace and security. My country appreciates the full weight of the responsibility and the confidence which its brother States and friends have placed upon it in these circumstances. Our brief experience of the work of this body has been enough to show us how certain particularly explosive situations, as for example that in Palestine, persist.
135. We know how this tragedy began. The fate of the Arab people of Palestine is unjust and intolerable. Indeed, it is impossible to remain any longer impervious to the fact that a million and a half human beings continue, after nearly two decades, to live outside their country. The Arab refugees from Palestine must return to their homes and to the land of their forefathers. This is an inalienable right which cannot be ignored indefinitely. The peace and stability of the entire Middle East are at stake. The Government of the Republic of Mali, which has often displayed its sympathy for these people forced into exile, once again reaffirms its unswerving support for their courageous efforts in the last twenty years to recover all their rights in their fatherland.
136. There are other very urgent tasks with which our Assembly must deal. They include an examination of the situation created by the armaments' race. In fact, as long as trouble spots continue to exist at certain points on the globe, the arms race will be a permanent distress to peace-loving countries. Conscious of this danger, my Government has joined with those who have advocated the early convening cr a world conference on disarmament. It is quite clear, however, that the success of such an enterprise pre-supposes the participation of all countries, without exception.
137. Foreign military bases implanted by force or by intolerable pressure in the national territory of small States should be eliminated. The Organization of African Unity has always condemned the existence of foreign bases in Africa. It must, more than ever now, be vigilant to see that the African continent does not become the "refuge" for the dismantled bases of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in Europe. Moreover, the Organization of African Unity has always demanded that the continent of Africa should be a nuclear-free zone, protected from the spread of nuclear devices. Africa should regard as its enemy any Power that assists in the "atomic progress" of South Africa, which dreams of dominating and reconquering the entire southern region of the continent.
138. Another important question is that of interference in the domestic affairs of States, which is in our view the chief cause of international tension. It is at the bottom of all sorts of conflicts between States — the most striking example is the war in Viet- Nam. For more than a year now its favourite field seems to have been Africa, where neo-colonialism has brought about the conflicts we have been discussing in order to impose regimes that are in the service of the colonialist trusts and monopolies. In the countries where coups d'etat have resulted in qualitative changes for the people, imperialism at bay creates insecurity and instability, and prepares the way for puppet regimes which collaborate with the colonialist exploiters and offer no prospects for development or for building an independent national economy.
139. Interference in the domestic affairs of other States must cease. To this end, my delegation supports the USSR draft resolution on the implementation of the Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in the Domestic Affairs of States and the Protection of their Independence and Sovereignty [see A/6397] which should bring into operation resolution 2131 (XX) unanimously adopted by the Assembly at its twentieth session.
140. We shall also support the initiative of the Czechoslovak delegation regarding the "strict observance of the prohibition of the threat or use of force in international relations, and of the right of peoples to self-determination" [see A/6393], because of its direct implications for the struggle of the peoples of Africa and the Third World against the old and new colonialism.
141. Another important question which attracts the attention of my delegation is the Korean question, which is also automatically included each year in the Assembly's agenda. In our view there should be an immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops occupying South Korea under cover of the flag of the United Nations, and the notorious United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea should be disbanded. The inalienable rights of the Korean people must be respected. The maintenance of peace in the Far East depends upon it.
142. In the field of growth and progress, the persistence of a phenomenon which seems to be characteristic of our age must also sooner or later present a serious threat to peace: the coexistence of two worlds, one in which hunger, poverty and ignorance reign, and another where the saturation point has been passed in satisfying man's essential needs. All mankind should be made aware of this and should be thinking even now of suitable means of remedying it.
143. We know, of course, that a dialogue to this end has been going on for a long time between the industrialized and the developing countries, and at the highest level, as in the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. The Third World is still waiting for some concrete reflection of the good intentions and principles which have so often been set forth as the right future basis for international trade and co-operation.
144. Before concluding, I wish, on behalf of my Government, to pay a special tribute to all the members of the Secretariat for the enormous amount of work which they perform every day for our Organization and its noble and difficult mission of achieving that great universal harmony to which mankind has always aspired. To these men and women who, far from the glare and the glitter of publicity, work untiringly to carry out our various and innumerable wishes, I should like to convey the assurance of our satisfaction. We are sure that the Secretariat will again make every effort to publish and circulate within the necessary time-limits, in the various working languages, all the documents which delegations need to study in advance in order to be able to participate fully and effectively in the work of this Assembly and its various committees.
145. This critical analysis of the serious crisis which our Organization is undergoing, the dark prospects for the international situation which arise out of the war in Viet-Nam, which threatens the peace and security of the whole world, and the warmongering and racist fury of South Africa, Portugal, and the clique of Ian Smith, have not made us lose sight of the universality and the irreplaceable value of the ideals of the United Nations. Our Assembly's potential, in the battle which has been joined to safeguard the universality of the United Nations and the principles of its Charter, and to save the Organization itself, is immense, if all Member States, great and small, live up to their responsibilities, and impose the rule of the majority on those who try to take command through their vast financial and economic power. The countries of the Third World and those which are progressive and peace-loving are a majority in these halls. They must not be content to bow the knee, as Jean Jaures put it, before the "triumph of lies".
146. For us, the sight of Africa, which for so long suffered so tragically, the sight of all these liberation movements, this strong and militant determination of men and nations in every continent to free themselves from oppression, domination and tyranny, the sight of men in Viet-Nam, southern Arabia and Palestine, Angola, Mozambique, Portuguese Guinea and the Cape Verde Islands, the Dominican Republic or Cuba, striking back at aggression, is a vision which, far from bringing terror to our hearts, rebuilds our faith in the value and dignity of man, of proud free men everywhere, our brothers. We like to remember the tragically beautiful words addressed by the blind man to Narses, as she watched the fires rage from the roof of Agamennon's palace and grew fearful at so much flame and bloodshed as a few wicked men perished:
"Woman, that light has a glorious name, its name is dawn". Yes, the dawn of a new life, an era of justice and freedom born of the courageous struggle of all of us, all progressive men and nations, to bring about the triumph of the cause of man, of free man on every continent.