Congo, the Democratic Republic of the

Mr. President, the speakers who have preceded me at this prestigious rostrum have all unanimously acknowledged your outstanding intellectual qualities, your wealth of experience and your intensive knowledge of international issues which will guarantee a positive outcome to our work that promises to be very exciting at this time when we see emerging on the horizon the irreversible turning of the activities of the Organization towards real, mutually beneficial, cooperation. The delegation of the Republic of Zaire, which it is my honour to head, associates itself with the congratulations and wishes expressed by other delegations here present and expresses the hope that your presidency will see the essential basis laid down for the establishment of this new era of peace, prosperity, mutual understanding and tolerance that we all so wish to see. I should also like to extend my sincere congratulations to the other members of the Bureau who, I am sure, will effectively assist you in carrying out your onerous but inspiring tasks as President. To your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Stoyan Ganev, I should like to pay a particular and well-deserved tribute for the competence, skill and know-how with which he so capably guided the work of the General Assembly at its forty-seventh session. I should like to express to Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the Secretary-General of the Organization, the sincere expression of our appreciation and our encouragement of his determination in the search for peaceful solutions to the many armed conflicts that are devastating the world. I should also like to welcome to the Organization the new Member States. They can count on the cooperation and assistance, both bilateral and multilateral, of the Republic of Zaire. Barely three years ago the overwhelming majority of the inhabitants of this marvelous planet Earth were filled with the hope of seeing close and multifaceted cooperation for development among nations. Although the cold war was blown away by the force of the wind of perestroika we are obliged to note that this forty-eighth session of the General Assembly has opened at a time when we are witnessing the resumption of armed conflicts in at least three of the five continents which make up this world. The collapse of the socialist bloc brought with it only a moment of calm for we note at present the explosion of hotbeds of tension and fratricidal wars in the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the former Yugoslavia, and we condemn the monstrous, inhuman and horrendous acts of modern civilization there. The primary cause of all these wars is religious or ethnic intolerance and the non-acceptance of political opinions contrary to those which one believes to be of immutable and subject to imposition on all. Thus, in Asia anachronistic situations persist and entire populations are condemned to wander without any hope of a better tomorrow. Nevertheless, my delegation backs the negotiations that are now taking place between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) on the question of Palestine and urges all the protagonists in this drama to do all in their power to ensure that these consultations lead to the conclusion of a peace agreement guaranteeing the right of each people to exist in internationally recognized territory. We hail the courage and determination of their excellencies the Prime Minister of Israel and the President of the PLO who have recognized autonomy for Gaza and Jericho and have also committed themselves to put an end to acts of piracy and sabotage. May their example be followed by other States involved in this conflict so that a lasting peace can finally be established in this region and that we can see genuine cooperation for development. So too, we reaffirm our full support and our backing for the efforts made by the two Koreas towards their peaceful reunification. We should also like to take advantage of this opportunity to congratulate the United Nations authorities which have effectively contributed to the organization of free and democratic elections in Cambodia. As regards Africa, this continent too has not been spared by the situation of semi-war, semi-peace in which young States must manage bloody conflicts which sorely try their fragile State structures and their precarious socio- economic infrastructures. However, the Republic of Zaire is gratified to see the international community mobilizing to prevent new conflicts and to find peaceful solutions to those fratricidal wars which are devastating a good number of African States. The plethora of hotbeds of tension and the recourse to military action, whether for intervention or for pacification, are likely to wipe out these efforts and to damage the humanitarian action and the noble objectives of peace and harmony pursued by the United Nations. Concerning southern Africa, in particular, Zaire supports the action being taken by the United Nations in Mozambique, and urges all the parties to the conflict to respect the commitments they have undertaken and to work towards the establishment of lasting peace there. The positive results that we have seen in South Africa, where the white minority has agreed to involve the black majority in the administration of public affairs in a Transitional Executive Council, are grounds for satisfaction for all those who have contributed towards them, and for legitimate pride for Presidents Mandela and De Klerk. Given these prospects for peace that we can see just over the horizon, it is our keen hope that there will be genuine reconciliation within the black community in South Africa so that a fratricidal war does not break out that would quite likely support the notions of those who wish to hold back the advent of a democratic and multi-racial Republic of South Africa. I beg the Assembly’s indulgence, since I should like now to dwell on the case of our neighbour Angola, which shares with Zaire a frontier over 2,600 kilometres long; in Angola, the civil war, which is becoming more intense, is causing considerable loss of life and incalculable material damage and is threatening the territorial integrity of that young nation. The Republic of Zaire, which, since it acceded to independence, has had to suffer the throes of civil war, rebellion and many attempts at secession, cannot afford to support a civil war in Angola. The tragic situation being experienced by that fraternal nation is of extreme concern to us, because it is causing us enormous political, economic and social problems. Zaire is actually a semi-landlocked country, and the closure of the Benguela railway and the continuing insecurity right alongside Matadi port, our only outlet to the sea - as a result of the crossfire between the Popular Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola (FAPLA) and UNITA - are doing my country considerable Forty-eighth session - 11 October l993 3 economic damage right at a moment when it is no longer receiving bilateral or multilateral assistance. In addition to these many economic difficulties, there has been a massive influx of our Angolan brothers and sisters, who are finding refuge with Zairian families, to which they are linked by historical ties of blood. Providing food, shelter and so on for the refugees is increasing the difficulties being experienced by the host families, who are themselves rather disadvantaged. The international community knows that the Republic of Zaire right now is going through a period of political turbulence and is encountering enormous economic and financial difficulties. In these conditions, where could Zaire find the additional resources to finance a civil war in Angola? Taking into account its internal problems, my country has no interest in promoting the traffic in weapons of war through Matadi port, given that they could change hands and fuel a civil war on its own territory. Moreover, Zaire, which neither makes nor sells arms, deplores the attitude of those countries whose citizens manufacture arms and sell them to the belligerents - under the tolerant gaze of their Governments - and then come and shed crocodile tears in international forums over the fate of the victims of this fratricidal war. The Republic of Zaire, which assisted the Republic of Angola in its struggle for independence and, through Zaire’s mediation, facilitated the historic meeting between President dos Santos and Mr. Savimbi at Gbadolite, is still ready to seek, with them, ways and means of putting an end to the Angolan tragedy. This is the spirit in which Zaire welcomed Mr. Alioune Blondin Beye, the Secretary-General’s Special Representative, on his visit to Kinshasa last September, and in which the President of the Republic of Zaire, Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko, dispatched to his Angolan counterpart an emissary whose task was to dispel any ambiguity as to whether there was meddling of any kind by my country in Angola’s internal affairs. Lastly, the Republic of Zaire, which has played an active part at the recent Libreville conference on security problems in central Africa and will soon sign the non- aggression pact that was drawn up there, considers itself an important link in the peace and security of the subregion, and does not intend to take any action that might sour the relations of good neighbourliness and cooperation that exist between our States. Ancient African wisdom tells us that when your neighbour’s house is on fire, you must help him put it out in order to stop the wind wafting the flames towards your own house. After the political turbulence that Africa experienced during the first few years of independence, some political thinkers and players believed, in good faith, that establishing strong government based on omnipresent and omnipotent single parties could forge national unity and ensure our States’ harmonious development. The Republic of Zaire was no exception to this outline. In fact, for over two decades now a monolithic political system has been in operation, with its ups and downs, and has ended up, as a result of its own internal contradictions, in such deadlock that on 24 April 1990 the President of the Republic, after three months of consultations of the people, decreed the dissolution of the single party and proposed the introduction of a pluralistic political system. Unfortunately, the enthusiasm that followed gave birth to a sort of collective outpouring and the frenzied establishment of political parties, of which there are now 360 for a total population of 40 million or so. In our concern to make an objective reassessment of our history, map out our future and ensure national reconciliation, we held a Sovereign National Conference, which, lasting over 16 months, was the costliest and the longest in Africa. The Conference raised great hopes but was unable to achieve all its goals because, from the outset, those behind it had come to it for two different reasons. For some, the Conference was the best place to take power along revolutionary-type lines - dissolving all the existing institutions and sidelining those in charge of them - while for others, who championed a reformist type of plan, the Conference ought rather to be the place for organizing government through a progressive restructuring of the institutions. This basic difference caused heightened passions from the beginning to the end of the Conference, and the political players ended up more divided than they had been before. As the document setting out constitutional provisions for the transitional period was not taken to its logical conclusion - it failed to abrogate expressly the Constitution in force - the country found itself with two basic constitutional texts. In conditions such as these, it has been difficult to arrange an equitable sharing of power between the various transitional institutions, which is why we have an institutional crisis and a political impasse. To extricate ourselves from this situation, and on the initiative of the President of the Republic and the President of the Supreme Council of the Republic, the delegates of several political platforms met in caucus to create a new institutional framework. But the results of the caucus were again disputed and the entire political class felt the need to 4 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session resume negotiations. These achieved, inter alia, the establishment of a new institutional framework, the unanimous acceptance of a timetable establishing the various dates for elections in the next 15 months and the adoption by referendum, within the same period, of a new constitution. Thus, a referendum will be held in 1994 on the adoption of the new constitution. There will also be free, transparent and democratic elections for mandates for the presidency of the Republic, the Parliament and the regional and local councils. The presence of an independent national electoral commission and international observers is planned to reassure all sides of the proper carrying out of all electoral operations. Thus, Zaire repeats its request to the United Nations bodies and countries with a long history of democracy for substantial help in the implementation of these important timetables. I should like here, on behalf of the Government of my country, to thank Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the Secretary- General of our universal Organization, who, at the request of the President of the Republic, sent one of his closest assistants, Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi, to Kinshasa to try to gather the political class of Zaire around the negotiating table. We extend to him here the deep gratitude of the people of Zaire for his selflessness and readiness in his attempt to reconcile the sons and daughters of my country. In an atmosphere of political crisis and social tension, the protection of human rights becomes very difficult and is subject to suspicions. The reestablishment of State authority and respect for the laws of the land are often identified, at best, with constraints and, at worst, with arbitrary actions, while a country cannot become involved in development projects without order or collective discipline. Despite the flaws noted in the implementation of human rights, Zaire has nevertheless made commendable efforts along those lines by granting full freedom to the press and authorizing the free exercise of political activities and the free expression of opinions. It intends to follow up these moves by cooperating with the specialized agencies of the United Nations in making more effective those bodies in Zaire entrusted with ensuring the strict observance of human rights. The democratization process is irreversible in Zaire and no one is contemplating re-establishing the old order. We all aspire to change and to the establishment of a State of law. What is important at the present stage of my country’s development is to know how to implement that change peacefully. For now, we are asking the international community and in particular those countries which wrongly believe that they have received a mandate to administer Zaire to let the Zairians themselves settle their own problems, for whenever they are free of foreign interference they always manage to overcome their antagonisms. We therefore urge our usual partners to help us to overcome this crisis instead of dividing us by canonizing some and rendering others anathema. The opportunity has thus been offered to certain countries that call themselves champions of democracy to support the organization of free and transparent elections in Zaire rather than to propose undemocratic plans that bring people to power who do not have the vote of the population, which alone can confer legitimacy. That, in our view, is the only way to rein in the excessive ambitions of certain political leaders who, in their obtrusive declarations in Kinshasa and the Western capitals, are harming the proper unfolding of the democratization process. The international community is certainly unaware of the dishonourable treatment experienced by Zairians in their travel to other countries. At present, it is nearly impossible for a citizen of Zaire to travel to, or opt to reside in, certain countries of the northern hemisphere, since for his visa is automatically refused unless he reviles his country and the legally established authorities. Is it the full enjoyment of fundamental human freedoms when he cannot reside in a territory other than his own unless he requests the status of political refugee? Are the citizens of Zaire treated this way being punished for their opinions? How can those countries that practise this policy of exclusion have a precise idea of what is transpiring in Zaire when they are preventing one category of my fellow citizens from freely expressing themselves and championing political ideas that run contrary to their own? The political uncertainties that have overshadowed Zaire for three years have pushed into the background the economic and social problems of a country in which strikes, city-wide shutdowns, civil disobedience and looting have torn asunder the economic fabric and aggravated the people’s poverty. Zaire - which has seen itself arbitrarily and vexingly deprived, under the pressure of certain Western Powers, of access to financial facilities and to bilateral and multilateral assistance at a time when its people has the greatest need - hopes that the new era in the offing will provide an opportunity for all its partners to assist it to revive its collapsed economy.In this context, my country very much hopes to resume dialogue with the Bretton Woods institutions to improve the management of public finances and to promote the flourishing of free enterprise. Forty-eighth session - 11 October l993 5 As everyone knows, Zaire is a subcontinent made up of a mosaic of tribes and ethnic groups which periodically, as happens throughout the world, have trouble living together. As we approach major political or electoral stages, tensions exacerbated by demagogues is transformed into open conflicts that compel, often in inhuman conditions, some of our compatriots to abandon their homes. The Government of the Republic of Zaire cannot tolerate a situation in which citizens of Zaire find themselves refugees in their own land. Thus, more specifically concerning Shaba, it is not correct to speak of "ethnic cleansing", since the Shaba, like the two Kasai, are not ethnic groups but the provincial homes of several ethnic groups. The Government has taken measures to halt all forced displacements, ensure the security of those who wish to remain in Shaba, and organize transportation of those who have opted to leave in humanly acceptable conditions. This task, like that of the restoration of displaced persons to their original homes, requires enormous material and financial means. In cooperation with the specialized bodies of the United Nations and non-governmental organizations, the Government is working to gather all available means in order to come to the aid of the victims of this tragedy. Here we should like to welcome the action carried out, at the request of the President of the Republic, by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, who sent a specialized inter-agency team led by Mr. Darko Silovic to study in the field the ways and means to bring humanitarian assistance to these disadvantaged peoples. We fervently hope that the international community will respond massively and positively to the Secretary-General’s appeal, and we are grateful in advance for this. Concerning the ethnic difficulties in North Kivu, it is important to know that this is an ancient problem born of colonization, which was then perpetuated by the transplantation of Rwandese peoples to Zaire and by the influx of refugees following the ethnic conflicts that neighbouring country has experienced. Without lingering over the underlying causes of this conflict, we should like to inform international opinion that the Government has taken measures to re-establish calm in the region and to ensure the security of all parties to the conflict. An appeal to humanitarian assistance for those peoples who have lost everything in these sad events is sent out to the international community, the non-governmental organizations and Zaire’s customary partners, in light of the urgency of the situation and the paucity of our means which do not allow us to cope with it alone. Before concluding my statement, I should like to take up a problem which is of the greatest concern to the international community and to my country in particular: environmental protection. Zaire, whose considerable expanse of tropical humid forest gives it the symbolic status of the planet’s second lung would appreciate the international community’s acknowledgement of the huge sacrifices it is making, which are depriving it of incalculable financial resources. The preservation of the ozone layer requires that additional resources be found for the implementation of Agenda 21 and the conventions dealing with biodiversity. Thus, my country believes that its commitment not to cut down various species of trees which it considers the common heritage of mankind should allow it to benefit from certain types of compensation which would fill this financial vacuum or at least this lack of earning power. Finally, the delegation of the Republic of Zaire joins in the request made by numerous delegations for a restructuring of the United Nations system to allow all Member States, regardless of size, fully to play their role in building a world of justice, peace and mutually advantageous cooperation.