Brazil

It is with great pleasure that I congratulate you, Sir, and the Republic of Guyana, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-eighth session. In so doing, I wish to reaffirm the traditional ties of friendship between Brazil and Guyana. I am certain that you will contribute to making this session of the General Assembly a landmark in the path towards progress and democracy among nations. I would also like to express to Mr. Stoyan Ganev, respected jurist from the Republic of Bulgaria and President of the General Assembly at its forty-seventh session, our recognition for the work he accomplished. The strong and innovative leadership provided by Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali will continue to be a factor in furthering the work of our Organization. At the opening of the debate at this forty-eighth session of the General Assembly, we are, once again, being swept by the winds of change. A fresh breeze, bringing us the message that understanding and peace may finally prevail over selfish interest, is blowing from the Near East, cradle of some of the most valuable moral lessons on which our planetary civilization is built. Man’s adventure on Earth, driven by reason and by dreams, has unfolded within the tension between self-interest and solidarity. In the dialectic interaction between solidarity and self-interest which has shaped and continues to shape the destinies of mankind, solidarity has just attained a great victory, allowing us greater optimism about the future and about the possibility of the materialization of the perpetual peace of which Immanuel Kant spoke. Indeed, following the high hopes ushered in by the end of the cold war, we were forced to postpone any exclamations of joy as we witnessed the much-heralded new order transform itself into growing disorder, marked by the re-emergence of conflicts rooted in particularisms, which were supposed to be among the closed chapters of history. We have noticed that the inherent preoccupations of the cold war have shifted from an East-West axis to a North- South orientation. New concepts have been used to justify discriminatory acts with repercussions for the countries of the South. Some of these concepts were presented under the cloak of humanitarian or moral values, such as the so-called "right of intervention" and "good governance"; others are renewed versions of old practices, such as eco-protectionism. At the same time, the countries of the North tightened their controls on the entry of dispossessed people from the South, many of whom came from former colonies. Thus, peace of mind was to be preserved along with the exclusive privileges of post-industrial society. At the same time, just when they were enjoying new heights of freedom, some of the peoples formerly subjected to authoritarian rule were carried away in nationalistic exaltation, the consequences of which continue to parade before spectators who are as shocked as they are powerless. It was as "glad tidings", in an almost Biblical sense, that the world welcomed the news that peace and understanding were possible in a region marked up to now by pain and conflict. The handshake between Mr. Yitzhak Rabin and Mr. Yasser Arafat is emblematic of the close of this century, a symbol indicating that history is not over, as some have suggested, but rather that it is just beginning, after a long, dark and turbulent pre-history, in which the mark of Cain has always prevailed over the profound desire for lasting peace felt by all peoples. In this same spirit, I reiterate the solidarity of Brazil with the Russian people, who continue to face the challenges of the process of democratic transition, which we are confident will succeed in their country. It is therefore with renewed faith in the ability of mankind to find solutions to the problems it continuously creates for itself that we begin our work at this forty-eighth session of the General Assembly. Exactly thirty years ago, another Minister of External Relations of Brazil, a career diplomat like myself, Ambassador João Augusto de Araujo Castro, pointed out that the task of the United Nations could be summed up in what he called the "3 D’s": Disarmament, Development, Decolonization. Today, with the virtual elimination of the last remnants of colonialism, I could paraphrase him by stating that the international agenda is once again structured around three "D’s": Democracy, Development, Disarmament, with their ramifications in the areas of human rights, the environment and international security. The changes we have witnessed have not been limited to the international sphere. Ethical advancements have also been made in the domestic sphere of countries, where ethics have prevailed over the petty interplay of interests which usually makes up day-to-day politics and which leads so many young people to disbelief and to turn away from the ideal of citizenship, without which man cannot fully realize his calling as a social being. I believe that I can proudly assert that my country, Brazil, despite the inherent problems of underdevelopment, has placed itself at the forefront of this "ethicalization" of political relations, which goes far beyond the almost bureaucratic concept of "good governance". We can still hear the echoes - and the world’s most important opinion makers did not fail to register them - of the resounding popular campaign which, in perfect harmony with the legislative and judiciary branches of the Brazilian Government, led to the impeachment of a president. Through an exclusively internal process, which emerged and developed within the Brazilian people and their legitimate representatives, a rarely seen lesson in citizenship was given, by the use of a legal instrument which, though present in other countries, had never been implemented to its ultimate consequences as it was in Brazil. In this process the Brazilian people counted on the support of a press which, with courage and boldness, put to good use the freedom it was once again enjoying after two decades of authoritarian rule. It is with justifiable pride that I am able to state, before this world assembly, that Brazil has etched a mark - and not a minor one - in the evolution of political institutions. I am certain that the peaceful and strictly legal and constitutional manner in which this transition took place in Brazil will be a necessary reference in books that may come to be written about the history of democracy in our time. I would like to stress that the process which led to this feat - and a feat indeed it was - was set in motion and ran its course neither as the product of any form of external pressure, nor in response to any action inspired by standards of governance imposed from outside, but solely and exclusively as the result of the deepest sense of citizenship shared by Brazilians of every social class. Since taking office, President Itamar Franco has imposed upon himself and upon the Government he leads absolute respect for the Constitution and for the laws of the Forty-eighth session - 27 September l993 3 country and, above all, for the unchanging principles of law and ethics. Among the constitutional rights of the human being and of the citizen are those laid down in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which our Constitution incorporates and expands upon. Ensuring respect for those rights - in protecting indigenous populations, in safeguarding children and families, in guaranteeing political freedom and access to justice - has been the determined policy of the current Government, and is the challenge we face after a long period in which economic growth and social development did not tread convergent paths. Within an atmosphere of freedom in which the project of building an open democratic and pluralistic society is moving forward, we are seeking to solve our macroeconomic problems while steering clear of the authoritarian temptation of recourse to technocratic formulas based on closed decision-making structures. Although it may seem, on occasion, more efficient, technocracy tends too frequently to impose excessive sacrifices on the poorest and most vulnerable sectors of the population. The road we are following - that the Government of President Itamar Franco is following - is another, perhaps more complex and arduous one, but certainly one that is more democratic and more capable of leading to consensual and sustainable results. The Brazilian Government and society are both aware that the difficult issues we are confronted with in the area of human rights are deeply intertwined with the social imbalances inherited from decades of insensitivity rooted in authoritarian rule. Democracy, human rights and development make up another indissoluble triad. None of those terms can be brought to complete fruition in the absence of the other two; that is why the Brazilian Government attaches such importance to the resumption of growth and the expansion of employment along with a fairer distribution of income, the only solid and sustainable basis with which to ensure social development and the full realization of human rights. That is also the reason for the importance attached to programmes, such as the programme to combat hunger, which have emerged in our society and which can count on the full and resolute support of the Government. We know only too well, however, that problems in the area of human rights - to which recent incidents that shocked Brazilian society and the world bear witness - cannot wait for development to be consolidated and for welfare to reach all of society. At the same time as we seek to solve them radically - that is, by attacking their social and economic roots - we must also attend to the more immediate aspects. To this end, the Government is determined to act, at different levels, under the inspiration and the guidance of the President, who is personally committed to this task. Transparency in the decisions and actions of the Government constitutes an important aspect of Brazilian politics. Such transparency manifests itself in, among other actions, the fluid and cooperative dialogue maintained with segments and organizations of society dedicated to the struggle for the observance of human rights in the country. This open and constructive spirit is not restricted, by the way, within our own borders: we seek and maintain cooperation on issues related to human rights with other countries, intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations, with which we are devising new methods of action for safeguarding the rule of law and in favour of the adequate protection of human rights on the basis of mutual respect. We do not disregard the fact that impunity may turn out to be the Achilles’ heel of any policy aimed at the full implementation of human rights and the elimination of violence. For this reason, the President has personally determined measures - whose implementation he has been following - for every case in which the human rights of children, of indigenous populations, of women or of any citizen have been violated. ln this endeavour, he has the support of Brazilian society, which will not tolerate impunity as it did not tolerate corruption and the breach of ethical standards in politics. With specific reference to indigenous populations, we are currently proceeding with the necessary strengthening of the Government’s presence in the Amazon region in order to protect simultaneously the population and the environment, both of which are frequently exposed to predatory activities; these result from an encounter of civilizations that began five centuries ago and extends up to today. Here again, the dialectics of solidarity and self-interest are at work; the increased effectiveness of actions undertaken by the Brazilian Government in the Amazon region, in conformity with the full and irrevocable exercise of our sovereignty, is fundamental if we are to ensure the protection and defence of all the region’s inhabitants and, in particular, those of the Brazilian indigenous protected areas, which amount to the impressive total of over 800,000 square kilometres. The special importance we attach to human rights in the domestic sphere is also reflected in our diplomatic action, as was evidenced at the World Conference held in Vienna last June. The nomination of Brazil to chair the drafting committee of the Conference was both an honour and a challenge; we offered our collaboration with satisfaction with a view to the Vienna consensus being expressed at the highest and most democratic level. The Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action constitute a significant advance in the promotion and protection of human rights, including by refining concepts now unquestionably acknowledged as universal. By reaffirming the interdependence of all human rights, all of which require equal protection, the Declaration recognizes that individual rights become little more than legal fiction if the bearers of such rights and the States which must guarantee them lack the material resources with which to ensure them. The promotion and the defence of the democratic regime inside each country are not sufficient: a vigorous effort of democratization of international relations is essential, in conformity with two notable phenomena of current times: the wide consensus on the advantages of representative democracy and the growing linkage between the domestic and the international spheres. This twofold perception leads us of necessity to the recognition that the democratic ideal is applicable with equal validity to relations between nations. We note with satisfaction the establishment of a virtual consensus on the need to update the composition of the Security Council. It is our understanding that the growing role of the Council in matters which affect the fundamental interests of Member States corresponds to the need to ensure a more representative composition, and so enhance the Council’s legitimacy and its efficiency. The reform of the Council must be achieved in such a way as not to aggravate further the imbalance between developed and developing countries in the decision-making process of the United Nations. The General Assembly, as the definitive democratic organ within the United Nations system, must play a decisive role in shaping that process. The democratization of relations between nations demands that the international order protect them and guarantee their rights against illicit acts and abuses of power. There can be no democratic society if the rule of law is not strictly observed and if the less powerful are not sheltered from arbitrary acts by those who wield force and power. In today’s world, it is no longer admissible to say, in the words of Pascal’s well-known aphorism, that "as it was not possible to make the righteous mighty, the mighty were made righteous". The material progress of peoples is to a large extent the product of their own, irreplaceable efforts. It is beyond doubt, however, that such progress is contingent upon the prevalence of a favourable external environment. It is therefore imperative that international society, acting in solidarity, encourage the creation of conditions for progress, not for the preservation of privilege. Apart from its intrinsic importance, the development of all nations is the only factor that can genuinely reduce the imbalances that are so patently expressed, for instance, in the growing flow of migrants and refugees. In a global society, social justice becomes an indispensable condition for preventing crises, for alleviating tension, for consolidating democracy and for promoting human rights. If we are to undertake a wide-ranging exercise of preventive diplomacy we must realize that only socially and environmentally sustainable economic development provides an effective means to accomplish our goals. In the pursuit of development the United Nations has a fundamental role to play. We must make sure that the Organization will act urgently to impart renewed life to its commitment to development and, therefore, also its capacities in the economic and social field. Imbued with this hope, Brazil has supported and continues to support vigorously the initiative of an agenda for development. We are confident that the Secretary-General will present us with a proposal that will be no less innovative, bold and rich in ideas than was "An Agenda for Peace". Similarly, great store is set by the work of the Commission on Sustainable Development. Brazil expects the Commission to be an effective tool for putting into effect the commitments undertaken in Rio de Janeiro in 1992. In the same vein we give our wholehearted support to the holding of the World Summit for Social Development, a most timely initiative of the Government of Chile, a country to which we are linked by close ties of South American brotherhood and partnership in the Rio Group. We should not however be misguided by illusions. Only a dynamic insertion in the cross-currents of trade and technology will allow developing countries to reap their fair share of the fruits of progress. To that end we advocate a strengthened multilateral trading system that can guarantee both an adequate reward for our effort at trade liberalization and a normative framework to discourage protectionism and unilateral measures. Today that entails the need for a prompt and balanced conclusion of the Uruguay Round, without discrimination or impositions. The significance of the Uruguay Round projects far beyond its strictly commercial aspects. Its successful outcome will be instrumental in framing an international order that is open and propitious for cooperation, thus preventing a splintering of economic relations into self-contained blocs. The vigorous involvement of the community of nations in the pursuit of development must be consonant with the principle of State sovereignty. Brazil views the sovereign nation-State as the basis for the legal and political international order. It must not be weakened lest we undermine the very basis of international representation and of the multilateral system. Attempts to play down the principle of national sovereignty - which incidentally are hardly ever targeted at the more powerful States - would be a step backwards in the effort towards more democratic international relations. At a moment when we are building the future multilateral system we should not allow differences in power among nations to replace the sovereign equality of States. The warning sounded by Ruy Barbosa, the distinguished Brazilian jurist and statesman, at the Second Peace Conference of the Hague in 1907, remains fully valid. In discussing the composition of the Permanent Court of Arbitration he stressed that if certain proposals were to prevail, then: "The great Powers would no longer be more formidable only as a result of the strength of their armies or of their fleets. They would also enjoy a superior legal status in the international judicial forum, thus claiming a privileged situation in the very institution to which the administration of justice among nations is to be entrusted." The international order we seek to build rests also on a third pillar, that of disarmament. Brazil, along with its neighbours and partners in Latin America, particularly Argentina, has been making an important contribution to advancing disarmament and international security. The revision of the Treaty of Tlatelolco, the establishment and work of the Brazil-Argentina Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Material (ABACC) and the Quadripartite Agreement on International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Safeguards, which have just been approved by the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies, thus meeting an important requirement for ratification, provide the international community with the guarantees of our commitment to the peaceful use of nuclear energy. We reaffirm our support for the non-proliferation, in all its forms, of weapons of mass destruction. In relation to chemical weapons, we, with Chile and Argentina, have already signed the Mendoza Declaration in which we solemnly renounced the possession and production of such weapons. We were equally active participants in the process that led to the adoption of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction, signed in Paris early this year. We are gratified by the current observance, although on a somewhat fragile basis, of a moratorium on nuclear tests. We hope that the climate resulting from this moratorium will bring forth the early conclusion, through multilateral negotiations, of a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty. Brazil, as is well known, has been participating in a clearly positive and transparent way in the process of establishing the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms. Brazil’s experience in the field of peace-building and confidence-building is noteworthy. Brazil shares almost 17,000 kilometres of land borders with 10 different neighbouring countries. No other nation has had uninterrupted relations of peace and cooperation for so long and with so many neighbouring States. Very few countries spend as little on arms - as a percentage of national product - as Brazil. At the same time Brazil does not renounce its right to maintain, in good harmony with its neighbours and partners, an adequate and legitimate defence capacity. Nor does it renounce its right to have access to technology necessary for the well-being of the Brazilian people. By undertaking firm and unambiguous commitments in the field of non-proliferation and disarmament, Brazil believes it is entitled to expect from its more developed partners unimpeded access to high technology, if necessary on a commercial basis. Recent history gives proof that, despite persistent and serious shortcomings, United Nations peace-keeping operations are important for overcoming situations of conflict, some of which are quite old, complex and delicate. The need for an improved conceptual framework for peace- keeping operations must be kept under constant review by the General Assembly. It is expected that the United Nations will contribute with sober effectiveness to maintaining peace and security wherever they may be threatened. Brazil currently participates with a significant contingent of military observers in United Nations peace- keeping efforts. We intend to expand our presence in this field and we are actively examining ways and means to do this. Within that context it is essential to rectify the serious political and strategic mistake of envisaging the South as an area of international instability. Quite the contrary, various regions such as Latin America provide examples of stable relations of cooperation based on mutual trust, as illustrated by the vigorous processes of Latin American integration which, far beyond their mercantile aspects, are the material expression of a political project aimed at international cooperation and solidarity. Such processes, including that of the Common Market of the South (MERCOSUR), are in stark contrast with the trends of fragmentation seen in other parts of the world. Yet another clear demonstration of the potential for cooperation is taking shape in the Community of Portuguese- Speaking Countries. Far more than a means of expression, "lusiphonia" is the hallmark of a frame of mind, a form of being, a way of life predicated on tolerance and open relations among different peoples. The Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic reinforces our links to sister nations in Africa. The enhancement of political and economic relations within the Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic is a goal towards which we are determined to work, having regard, among other issues, to the constitution of a vast area free of the nuclear threat. We furthermore expect to have the pleasure of celebrating the full admission to the South Atlantic community of a democratic and united South Africa, free forever from the scourge of racism. The historic speech delivered by Mr. Nelson Mandela just a few days ago from this same rostrum warrants the expectation and confirms the idea that in spite of remaining obstacles the process of democratization in South Africa is now irreversible. We are forced to admit that serious areas of tension continue to exist in the world. By virtue of our historical ties of friendship, cooperation and cultural kinship with Angola, the situation in that country is of particular concern to us. The international community, through the United Nations, has a fundamental role to play in the defence of democracy in Angola and in the utter rejection of the use of force as a means of achieving political gains. Peace must prevail in Angola in full compliance with the Bicesse Accords and all the relevant resolutions of the Security Council. We remain gravely concerned about the situation of human rights and democracy in Haiti. The prospect for a prompt solution to the crisis in that country is high on our agenda. We look forward to the return of President Jean- Bertrand Aristide on 30 October. The restoration of peace in the former Yugoslavia is a priority for the international community in order to bring to an end the suffering of the populations involved in that conflict. A willingness to achieve agreements acceptable to all parties must prevail in Geneva, as in the capitals of the former federation. That willingness alone can enable the United Nations to play its irreplaceable role in bringing peace to that region. Our example, and our response to these challenges, will frame the future order to which we all aspire: an order that is democratic, stable, disarmed and committed to the material and spiritual development of all nations. The humanistic vision that inspires us was forcefully expressed by a Brazilian poet and diplomat, João Cabral de Melo Neto, in these words: "Learn this: that man is the best measure always, And more: that life, not death, is the measure of man."