3. In pursuance of a time-honoured custom, which has become a proud and cherished tradition in the eyes of the people of Brazil, it is now my privilege to deliver the opening address in the general debate of the twenty-first session of the General Assembly. 4. Let my first words be of congratulations to you, Mr. President, on your election to the Chair, a choice which so aptly expresses the respect and affection of this great gathering of nations towards the noble Afghan people and towards their Permanent Representative to the United Nations. I am confident that I speak on behalf of all the delegations present here today when I say that we all place the fullest reliance on your well-known ability to handle with an impartial mind, with calm and unruffled courtesy, and with firm and unswerving authority, the weighty matters that shall presently appear before us. 5. In the discharge of your duties, Mr. President, you may count on the assistance and sound advice of the illustrious Secretary-General of the Organization, Mr. Thant, to whom on behalf of my delegation and Government I make an ardent appeal to remain in his present position, which is the general wish. It is my hope that he will overcome his natural hesitation and his intimate objections and will continue to give to mankind the valuable contribution of his efficient action and constant inspiration. 6. As we prepare to deal with the agenda of the twenty-first session, we are necessarily led to examine the results of the labours of the twentieth, which was so ably presided over by that great statesman Amintore Fanfani, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Italy; and as we do so we may look back with pride at some tangible and encouraging achievements. 7. First and foremost, great credit must be given to the twentieth session for having succeeded in weathering the gravest crisis in the history of the Organization, and for finding a way out of the deadlock which paralysed the nineteenth session. 8. It is true, on the other hand, that no remedy has been found to end the bitter struggle in Viet-Nam, where countless thousands are daily suffering the hardships and misery of war and where so many young lives are daily being lost, both to Viet-Nam and to her allies in the cause of democracy. It is no less true, however, that in other parts of the world it has been found possible to avert conflict and bloodshed, and to dispel grave threats to world peace. 9. In the Dominican Republic, for instance, the timely and efficient intervention of the regional Organization brought about a prompt end to civil strife and cleared the way for the restoration of democratic rule through fair and peaceful elections. In Asia, two great nations, India and Pakistan, already on the brink of a full-scale war, gave heed to the voice of the United Nations and laid down their arms in response to a resolution of the Security Council. Even now those two countries, which must be counted among the most influential and oldest Members of this Organization, are engaged in endeavouring to settle their differences within the framework of the Charter and with due respect for the principles upheld by the United Nations. 10. In the Gaza Strip and in Cyprus, while no appreciable headway has been made toward a permanent settlement, even so, the presence of United Nations forces has continued to keep the peace, to ensure the safety of the population in both areas, and to prevent the outbreak of open violence. Brazil is proud to contribute one battalion to the United Nations; by the same token, it is proud to have contributed substantially to the Inter-American Peace Force in the Dominican Republic, where Brazilian soldiers and marines have shared with their North American, Central American and Paraguayan comrades the task of enforcing law and order and of saving a sister nation, already sorely tried in the recent past, from succumbing to internal strife and to foreign political aggression. 11. As we review the events of the past year, we are compelled to note with regret that in one domain at least no perceptible success has been achieved. I allude to the problem of disarmament, which we find still bogged down in the discouraging morass of the Geneva talks. Some rays of hope had seemed to be discernible during the last session of the General Assembly, where, for the first time in many years, a number of constructive resolutions were passed. Nothing, however, has come out of them, in spite of a growing consciousness, on the part of all nations, of the dangers of nuclear proliferation. Brazil would like to urge that the highest priority be given to working out some formula that may lead to the concentration, and not the reverse, of the power of decision as to the use of nuclear weapons. 12. This last, of course, is stated as but an immediate goal, for there can be no disguising the fact that the ultimate aim is and must remain total disarmament. We seem to be as far as ever from reaching that goal; but it must also be recognized that certain intermediate steps must necessarily be taken. It is in this respect that General Assembly resolution 2028 (XX) must be regarded as a substantial step forward, inasmuch as it has defined non-proliferation as a means toward an end, and as it has just as clearly defined the respective balance of responsibilities and obligations of both nuclear and non-nuclear Powers. 13. It is quite clear nowadays that non-proliferation cannot be assured by a veto of the nuclear Powers, Non-proliferation is really dependent upon voluntary surrender by non-nuclear Powers of their possibilities of eventually joining the "Atomic Club" through their own efforts. In the absence of a really reliable system of collective security, such a surrender would obviously involve a singularly grave and fateful decision, since it would be tantamount to surrendering the most powerful means of ensuring national security against possible aggression, relying ever after on the benevolence and good faith of third parties for that all- important purpose, the protection of the very life of a nation. This would be indeed too much to ask of or to expect from any country, unless we were to achieve a completely trustworthy framework of legal and material guarantees, bearing the stamp of infallibility to the fullest extent attainable by human endeavours. 14. Such a system would obviously place great burdens upon both nuclear and non-nuclear Powers and require them to accept considerable limitations on the exercise of their sovereign rights. I maintain, however, that the best interests, if not the very survival, of mankind demand such sacrifices from even the greatest Powers, and I trust that no Member nation will shrink from its duty to this Organization and to the human race by balking at small or even great sacrifices of pride or of freedom of action where so much is at stake. It is the manifest duty of all of us, but most especially of such nations as already hold or have nearly within their grasp the awful power of destruction vested in atomic weaponry, to remove from mankind the fear of annihilation, to clear from the farthest horizons that threatening cloud of an all too familiar shape, to give good and sufficient guarantee of our determination to use for good alone, and never for evil, the fateful forces that lie hidden in the very heart of matter. 15. Another issue where, unfortunately, a deadlock seems to have been reached is that of defraying the costs of peace-keeping operations. The Special Committee on Peace-Keeping Operations appointed to attempt to solve this problem has so far failed to do so, in spite of its earnest labours. The time has come, therefore, to acknowledge frankly the fact that there is little or no hope of arriving at a satisfactory conclusion in this respect, and that to pursue it further would be simply a waste of time and effort. 16. No country is more deeply convinced than Brazil of the usefulness, and indeed the necessity, of carrying out peace-keeping operations by means of emergency forces every time a situation arises entailing a threat to world peace. Furthermore, we think that no international organization can be really effective unless it has at its disposal the material means to deal with such situations; yet we are the first to advocate a realistic approach to the problem of apportioning the expenses arising from operations of this nature. It has become all too evident that some Member nations will not waver from their position of refusing to acknowledge their common share in expenses made for the common good, and to honour what seems to us their plain obligation. The only realistic approach, therefore, is to carry out a reform of the United Nations Charter, framing explicit rules on the conduct and financing of peace-keeping operations. 17. That future peace-keeping operations may be needed is only probable. Brazil has actively supported them in the past, supplying, as I have mentioned above, one battalion of infantry to the United Nations Emergency Force in the Gaza Strip — a force which was for some considerable time under the command of a Brazilian general—supplying air force personnel for the United Nations Force in the Congo, and having maintained observers, both military and civilian, in Greece, Cyprus, Cambodia, Viet-Nam and Kashmir, as required by the appropriate organs of the United Nations. Brazil feels justified, therefore, in claiming that the time has come to settle, by the only effective means, namely, through a revision of the Charter, the vexing questions of apportioning the costs of such operations. 18. A new field has recently been opened to the fruitful action of the United Nations, that of devising rules to accelerate the development of under-developed Member States and to improve the economic relations between such countries and the more fully developed ones. I refer to the creation of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, an organ for the success of which Brazil voices sincere wishes. 19. Far be it from us to advocate any form of "class struggle" between nations, opposing "haves" and "have-nots". Such a confrontation would be not only sterile, but definitely harmful to the cause of unity and friendship among nations and to the best interest of mankind. Yet I must emphasize with equal firmness that it would be no less disastrous to reject the self-evident truth that close and intelligent co-operation is called for between the fully developed States and the less developed ones, in the best interests of all. I say "intelligent" co-operation, because it is too late in the day to propose inadequate formulae for or to apply evasive tactics to a problem that is not to be denied and which brooks no postponement, It would indeed be folly, and dangerous folly at that, to reject this postulate, that the achievement of an adequate rate of economic development, and of an adequate degree of social welfare and security, is the common concern of all mankind. Man has long ago conquered the ends of the earth; he is now conquering outer space and the celestial bodies far beyond the orbit of our planet. Even now, man-made objects already lie on the face of the moon, and other objects, also the handiwork of man, speed silently through interstellar space. At a time when almost unimaginable resources are devoted to these staggering achievements, when these same achievements seem to prove that there are no limits to the ingenuity and enterprising resourcefulness of man, it is a cruel mockery to our fellow-man, and a blasphemy against Divine Providence, to allow poverty, hunger, sickness and fear to stalk the earth. 20. I am well aware that prosperity is the result of effort, and that those who need help must be disposed to help themselves. Yet it is also very evident that the gifts of nature have not been equally apportioned among all countries; and it is equally evident that the under-developed countries, whatever the reason for their initial disadvantage, are severely handicapped in the struggle to bridge the gap between themselves and the more highly developed States. To channel resources where they are needed, resources in money, in men, in technical and scientific knowledge, is the great challenge of our times. To improve terms of trade, to make free the access to old and new markets, to open up economic vistas, to break down the barriers of narrow self-interest — all this I believe to be consistent with the highest aspirations, and indeed with the ultimate interests, of the highly developed countries themselves. 21. In view of the immense possibilities to be explored for the future welfare of the world, in view of the immense tasks that challenge in our day and age the creative spirit of man and set us such high standards of mutual solidarity, it is deeply regrettable that the United Nations Cocoa Conference, convened to prepare an international agreement to safeguard the cocoa market against disruptive influences, should have been such a dismal failure. 22. Some countries still apparently fail to understand that some measure of protection is imperative for such basic commodities as are vital to the exchange-earning capacity of any individual country. Under-developed countries must rely on their ability to earn foreign exchange in order to obtain the capital goods essential to their development effort. In so far as basic commodities are concerned, often their main or only source of such income, protection against ruinous price fluctuations is a condition of the very survival, economically speaking, of such countries. The best interests of the highly developed countries are surely more consistent with the spread of prosperity and increased earning capacity to new areas and new potential markets, rather than with the impoverishment of struggling countries and the decline of their respective national economies to bare subsistence level. 23. The failure of the Cocoa Conference must be remedied; the United Nations must set itself resolutely to the task of ensuring to all Members fair access to world markets, and also fair access to those technological and scientific resources which today bid fair to change the very face of the earth. In the latter respect, I welcome with particular satisfaction the steps that have been taken to establish the United Nations Organization for Industrial Development. That will be a fitting complement to the United Nations Trade and Development Board as well as to the United Nations Special Fund. Financial assistance for development projects, technical guidance for the operation of industrial projects, adequate protection for prices of essential exports of the under-developed countries: those three parallel lines of attack can and should lead to victory in the struggle for full economic development — the decisive and vital struggle from the viewpoint of the immense majority of all men and women who inhabit this earth. It is greatly to be desired, therefore, that the United Nations Organization for Industrial Development may soon achieve full operational status, that a United Nations conference may soon be convened to decide on this point, and that the United Nations Development Programme, of which the Special Fund is now apart, may soon reach the $200 million level set for it at the twentieth session of the General Assembly. It is also greatly to be hoped that the new forms of economic association, now so prevalent in the world, shall not operate as walled-in enclosures behind high tariff barriers, nor resort to import restrictions to discriminate against the products of other areas. Latin America looks uneasily upon the thorny network of rules and regulations that hinder its trade with Western Europe, and its uneasiness and displeasure are by no means allayed by the unequal treatment granted, to the detriment of Latin America, by the European Common Market to other non-European countries. 24. In the field of social problems and of human relations, Brazil is proud to have been the first country to sign the International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination, as approved at the last session of the General Assembly. Within the boundaries of Brazil, indeed, small need would be felt for such a document, since Brazil has long been an outstanding, and in fact I would be tempted to say the foremost, example of a true racial democracy, where many races live and labour together and freely mix, without fear or favour, without hate or discrimination. Our hospitable land has long been open to men of all races and creeds; no one questions, or cares, what may have been a man's birthplace, or that of his forebears; all enjoy equal rights, and all are equally proud of being part of one great nation. While the new Convention is, therefore, superfluous in so far as Brazil is concerned, we none the less welcome it as a useful pointer to other countries placed in less favourable circumstances. And I would take this opportunity to suggest that racial tolerance should be exercised by all races towards other races: to have been sinned against is no valid reason for sinning against others. May the Brazilian example, and the moderation without effort, easy tolerance and mutual respect in our racial relations be followed by all multiracial nations. 25. In in this connexion, what I had the opportunity to note during the trip I made before arriving in this metropolis gives additional strength to my hopes. I have in fact, come from Portugal, Italy and the Vatican. In Portugal and in Italy I felt at close hand the Latin spirit which inspires Brazil and leads it on the path of tolerance and understanding. Those two countries, which have already given so much to world civilization, are still called upon to perform great deeds, both for the benefit of their populations and in the interest of other peoples linked to them by political or sentimental bonds. And the Holy See, thanks to the actions and to the nobility of spirit of Pope Paul VI — whose visit to this Assembly was certainly the highest moment of its session last year — abounds in ability, interest and dedication to the tasks of international conciliation and of the spiritual and social perfection of mankind on the basis of the sacred teachings of the Gospel. 26. The satisfaction of opening this debate becomes deeper because it gives me the opportunity to extend a welcome to Guyana, a country I take special pleasure in greeting, not only as a neighbour, but also as a friend of Brazil, one which, for the first time, takes its seat amongst us. Membership in this gathering of the sovereign Powers of the world is a high privilege and, thanks to the labours of previous sessions, one that entails no small material advantages. However, not only rights, but also duties are the portion of Member States. First and foremost, of course, is the duty to abide by the United Nations Charter, faithfully observing both its letter and spirit. This implies respecting the rule of law in international relations, accepting the decisions reached by the majority In the General Assembly or its Committees, abstaining from any form of aggression against other countries, and observing the rule of international courtesy in all dealings with other States. If all States enjoy equal rights in this august Organization, so also are they all bound by equal obligations and by reciprocal rules of mutual respect. Too often in the past this Assembly has been the scene of shrill recriminations, with bitter accusations often couched in unseemly language. I sincerely trust that we shall be able to avoid this in the future. The General Assembly is indeed a proper court for the statement of legitimate grievances, for the hearing of occasional differences, a fit place for those seeking relief and justice; but we must never forget that concord is our goal, that a spirit of mutual tolerance should be our guiding rule, that reason, right and impartiality should reign supreme among us. Wrongs should not be merely pointed out, but patiently righted as a result of the sincere efforts of us all. This Organization will stand in our eyes, in the eyes of the world and in the eyes of posterity, as high as our efforts will place it, not according to how much we ask of it, but according to how much we give to it. Many Members of this great fellowship of nations have freely and consistently given to the Organization of their wealth, their effort, their loyalty, of the blood of their sons. All honour to such nations: may they be an example and an inspiration to us all. Loyalty, good faith, devotion to the common good, forbearance and mutual respect are the necessary conditions for success in our task. If we fail, we shall have forfeited the greatest, and possibly the last, hope of mankind for peaceful coexistence among the sons of Adam, and we shall know that the curse of Cain is still upon us. If we succeed, and succeed we must, it will be through slow and painful progress, but we shall know that some day our children, and our children's children, will come to live out their days in peace and comfort under skies which no longer hold the daily menace of sudden annihiliation, upon an earth made bountiful to their labour and from which, God willing, poverty, pain and violence will be gradually banished.