Turkey

83. I would like to join the distinguished representatives who have preceded me at this rostrum in extending to you, Mr. President, on behalf of the Government of Turkey and on my own behalf, warm and sincere congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly. The enthusiasm shown in selecting you for this office bears eloquent testimony to the distinguished reputation which you enjoy in the General Assembly, where for many years you have given irrefutable evidence of your exceptional qualities as a diplomat and a statesman. Your profound devotion to the cause of world peace, your impartiality, your moral rectitude and your skill in international diplomacy will be of great value to us during the deliberations of this session of the General Assembly, which will have to deal with very difficult problems of fundamental importance to the cause of peace. 84. We are the more gratified at your election because your country and mind traditionally maintain relations marked by deep friendship and cordiality which were forged at a time when Turkey was passing through one of the most troubled periods in its history. In paying a tribute to you and to your country, I am expressing the sentiments of the whole Turkish nation, which entertains feelings of lasting friendship and fraternity towards the Afghan people. 85. I should like also to pay a tribute to Mr. Amintore Fanfani, the outgoing President, who guided our work during the last session. We were all greatly impressed by his strong personality, his clear mind, his efficiency and, in particular, by his political wisdom, of which we stood in great need at an especially difficult time in the history of the United Nations. 86. All the representatives who have preceded me at this rostrum have stressed the grave international problems which will be overshadowing this session and have expressed their deep anxiety concerning the implications of these problems for world peace. As we gather here, our minds are troubled by the grave threat which the war in Viet-Nam and the unfortunate developments in Africa constitute for the world. People are asking themselves in anguish whether the United Nations will succeed in averting the danger of a nuclear catastrophe or an outbreak of unprecedented racial violence. More than ever, before, it is incumbent on us to conduct our discussions calmly and objectively, with the sole purpose of achieving something constructive, of contributing as much as we can to the improvement of the international situation, and of mobilizing all our resources in order to pave the way for constructive action for the restoration of peace and the just settlement of existing conflicts. I can assure you that it is in this spirit that the Turkish delegation will participate in the work of the twenty-first session, 87. At this critical period through which we are passing, we have learned with regret of the Secretary-General !s decision not to accept another term of office. We are all deeply grateful to him for his services to the Organization and to the cause of peace. He has carried out his task with a devotion, an efficiency and an integrity which have earned him the gratitude and confidence of all Member States. We have welcomed his decision to continue in office until the end of this session with relief, because we are sure that his contribution will, as always, be of great value. We are none the less convinced that in these difficult times the United Nations needs a Secretary-General who has won universal respect and who has given proof of his ability to carry out his work with energy and in the true spirit of the Charter. I therefore associate my self whole-heartedly with all those who have expressed the hope that U Thant will reconsider his decision. 88. Today the war in Viet-Nam constitutes the most serious threat to world peace. Inherent in this war, the scale of which is increasing daily, bringing with it ever more terrible human suffering, is the danger of a fatal "escalation” which could plunge the whole world into the abyss of a nuclear conflict. 89. It is the primary duty of all of us to make every effort to bring this bloody war to an end. We are grateful to all those countries which have already made many efforts to bring the parties together around a conference table, as well as to the Secretary-General, who has spared no effort, within the means available to him, to help to restore peace. In the introduction to his annual report to the General Assembly [A/6301/Add.1], the Secretary-General rightly stressed the tragic plight of the people of Viet-Nam, a people which for more than twenty years has known nothing but the dreadful suffering caused by war, and which has an imperative need for peace. Military action can only bring the Viet-Namese greater misery and devastate the whole country, and it may well lead to an extension of the conflict. Moreover, no one can deny the right of the people of Viet-Nam to decide their own political future free from all foreign intervention. 90. What can the United Nations do to end this tragedy? We do not of course have the means for direct action; but we must redouble our efforts and bring all our influence to bear to restore peace. 91. There is no point in discussing here the origins of this conflict or in attempting to apportion responsibility for the present situation. Such a course would lead us nowhere. The problem cannot be resolved without an agreement which would reconcile, on a just basis, the legitimate interests of all the parties, This being so, the only possible solution is the limitation and mutual cessation of hostilities and negotiation with a view to reaching a peaceful and honourable settlement. It is towards this end that we must direct our efforts and make an urgent appeal to all the parties. 92. We have carefully studied the statement by Mr, Goldberg, the representative of the United States [1412th meeting]. We note with satisfaction that he reasserted the determination of the United Stated to try to limit the war and to engage immediately in negotiations in any forum. 93. We learned with deep satisfaction of the settlement of the conflict between Indonesia and Malaysia. The agreement ending the state of armed confrontation between these two countries is not only an outstanding victory for reason, but also demonstrates that any dispute, however serious, can be resolved by peaceful means once the parties to it act with determination and good will. This is a precedent which could be usefully followed for the settlement of the conflict in Viet-Nam. I should like to express my country's appreciation of the spirit of conciliation and moderation displayed by Indonesia and Malaysia in eliminating a source of disputes in that part of the world. Another gratifying event in the same context is the return of Indonesia to the United Nations. It gives me particular satisfaction to stress the pleasure which my delegation feels at seeing Indonesia resume its place in our Organization; in any case we had never considered its departure as final. 94. Peace in Asia also depends in large measure on relations between India and Pakistan. Last year all of us welcomed with joy and relief the ceasefire and the Tashkent Declaration, which brought to an end the armed conflict between these two great Asian countries. But the peace cannot be a lasting one so long as the disputes which divide the two countries, and in particular the Kashmir problem, continue to disturb relations between India and Pakistan. It is our fervent desire to see a just and agreed solution for this problem which would take into account the resolutions of the Security Council on this matter. 95. We note that at the present juncture the historic process of decolonization is nearing its end and that the world is about to enter the era of the sovereign equality of all countries, large and small, as provided for in the Charter of the United Nations. 96. We know, however, that, although so much progress has been made in this direction, there still remain obstacles which, though they may be the last, are difficult to overcome. Colonialism is still rampant, not only in its traditional form but also in different guises, such as racial discrimination and apartheid, which are incompatible with the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The countries which still impose the yoke of colonialism and those which hold freedom and the dignity of the human person in contempt must realize that the course of history cannot be reversed and that their policy only degrades them before world public opinion, while at the same time constituting a grave threat to peace. The United Nations must never relax its efforts to eliminate colonialism and policies of racial oppression completely. 97. Turkey, for its part, will unreservedly support the efforts of the United Nations in this matter, for it upholds the principles of independence for all peoples and equal rights for all nations and races. It.is only when all the oppressed countries have been emancipated that the United Nations, having thus enlarged the sphere of its activities, will be able to make its full contribution to the strengthening of world peace and to the progress of mankind. 98. We must give particular attention to the problem of apartheid and to the situation in Rhodesia, where a minority has usurped power in order to oppress the majority. In both cases we are confronted with the abhorrent notion of the superiority of one race over another. We cannot countenance this affront to the dignity of the human person, not only because it deeply offends our conscience, but because it threatens the stability and peace of an entire continent and is thus a threat to the peace of the world also. 99. On the question of Rhodesia, we deplore the lack of progress during the past year. The sanctions applied so far have proved insufficient and the illegal regime has continued to defy the appeals of the United Nations, even introducing new measures aimed at intensifying the pressure on the majority of the population. It is highly regrettable that countries which have an interest in supporting the illegal regime in Rhodesia in order to preserve their own oppressive regimes, have been able to continue to defy the resolutions of the Security Council with impunity. We must consider the possibility of taking more vigorous action to ensure that the relevant resolutions of the United Nations are put into effect. 100. In considering the questions of Rhodesia, South West Africa — on which I gave our point of view the day before yesterday [1419th meeting] — apartheid, and the survival of colonialism in certain countries, we must always bear in mind one basic fact: Africa cannot be divided into two parts, one free and the other subjected to colonialism and slavery. Moreover, the longer the solution of these problems is delayed, the more recourse to violence and force will become inevitable. This is not a problem for Africa alone; it affects the peace, harmony and stability of the whole world. 101. Other disputes which have remained unresolved for years continue to affect peace and stability in a number of areas. In the Middle East, the Palestine question is an obstacle to the establishment of lasting peace and is causing a dangerous armaments race. Over a million refugees are living in precarious and deplorable conditions, a situation prejudicial to the economic and social development of the Middle East. This problem, in all its many and various aspects, both political and human, continues to await a settlement consonant with law and justice. 102. The question of Cyprus still disturbs the peace and stability of the Mediterranean region by prolonging the distress, the acute anxiety and the hardships of the Turkish community. The question is still before the Security Council and it is because of the presence of the United Nations forces that a precarious peace is maintained. I wish first to pay a tribute to all those, countries which have placed military contingents at the disposal of the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus or are contributing to the I cost of that force. I also wish to express our gratitude once again to the Secretary-General for his constant and untiring efforts to remove the causes of tension on the island and to promote a peaceful settlement of the dispute. Lastly, may I be permitted to express our gratitude to the United Nations Force which, in extremely difficult circumstances. It is unsparing in its efforts to reduce tensions and maintain peace between the two communities. 103. There has been no improvement in the situation in Cyprus since last year. The Turkish community is still deprived of its most elementary rights. The lives and safety of the Turks are constantly endangered, their economic activities are paralysed and the movement of goods and people is subject to vexations and arbitrary restrictions. Yet, despite this oppression, the Turks of Cyprus, who are proud of their traditions, refuse to be reduced to slavery and are not prepared to give up their historic constitutional rights. 104. Right from the start of the crisis in Cyprus, Turkey has sincerely sought the achievement of a peaceful solution by agreement. It has always held that the continuation of the crisis was bound to increase tension both in the island and outside it. It has always stated that it was ready to enter into negotiations with all the interested parties. 105. At present, Turkey and Greece, as co-signatories of the treaties governing the status of Cyprus, are engaged in confidential discussions with a view to finding a peaceful solution acceptable to all the parties. We consider that the very fact that we have succeeded in beginning these discussions is encouraging and we earnestly hope that they will result in our finding a basis for agreement which will bring this tragic conflict to an end and pave the way to harmony and reconciliation between the two communities and between Turkey and Greece. We are convinced that time is on no one’s side and that we all stand to gain a great deal from an honourable settlement which would safeguard the legitimate principles of all the parties. But we must also realize that, if a solution is not found, the present situation cannot continue. Failing a solution, there would have to be a genuine return to normal conditions on the island, so that the Turkish community can lead a life free from threats and military and economic pressure and enjoy their human rights to the full. It would therefore be necessary to keep the United Nations-Force in being for an indefinite period and also to create conditions in which the Force would be able to carry out the task entrusted to it by the Security Council resolution [186 (1964)] without hindrance. 106. If after this review of the situation in other continents we turn our attention to Europe, we find that the situation in that part of the world is obviously different. In Europe today there are no serious crises carrying with them the threat of war. Despite the increased tension resulting from the crisis in Viet-Nam, intercourse between the countries of the East and the West in economic, technical and cultural matters is constantly growing. Turkey is glad to be able to make its contribution to this healthy development, which is likely gradually to eliminate mutual distrust and to pave the way to a general understanding that would put an end to the division of Europe. However, we must not forget that the main problem in Europe is still that of the reunification of Germany. It is our view that Germany should be freely reunited in conformity with the rights of peoples to self-determination, within a general system which would effectively safeguard the security of all the countries of the region. 107. Problems and disputes abound; we all get the impression at times that the United Nations has not succeeded in acting as the Charter intended it to do, and that the Organization has not been able to exercise a constructive influence for the maintenance of peace and the settlement of disputes. But the United Nations cannot do more than what its Members wish, and political facts often prevent it from undertaking effective action in extremely serious cases. Has not the Charter itself imposed certain limitations by entrusting a special responsibility to the Security Council and by making action by the United Nations subject to the agreement of the permanent members of the Security Council? Nevertheless, what gives the United Nations its real strength is its moral influence, its ability to mobilize world public opinion, and the principles of the Charter. The Charter gives form and body to the vision of a world free from the fear of war, a world where disputes are settled by peaceful means and where all Members are able to concentrate their energies, individually and collectively, on the achievement of political, economic, social and cultural advancement. If we wish to achieve this ideal, we must faithfully discharge our duties under the Charter, both within the Organization and in our bilateral relations. Within the Organization, it is incumbent on us to uphold and enhance the prestige and moral strength of the United Nations by scrupulous respect for the letter and spirit of the Charter and by directing our efforts towards constructive ends. The resolutions which we adopt in the General Assembly should, as far as possible, express a consensus. Only if they do will our recommendations carry the necessary weight and make a real contribution to the solution of the problems which arise. Otherwise, there will be a useless accumulation of resolutions to which no effect will be given, with the result that the moral authority of the United Nations will be seriously impaired and Member States will increasingly seek to settle their difficulties outside the United Nations. 108. We must also try to create conditions that will allow the principle of universality embodied in the Charter to become a reality and thus enable the authority and influence of the United Nations to be exercised in every part of the world. 109. Peace-keeping operations are another vital way in which the United Nations can make a substantial contribution to preserving and strengthening peace. We are quite sure that the United Nations has rendered a very great service to the cause of peace each time it has been able to organize such operations, as a result of which tension has been reduced, the opposing parties have been separated, and conditions favourable to a search for a peaceful solution have been created. If the United Nations were to renounce this responsibility because of differing views about the rules which should govern one carrying out and financing of such operations, it would lose all possibility of taking effective action when faced with dangerous and explosive situations. Such a state of affairs would not only be prejudicial to peace, by making it easier to resort to force and by helping to perpetuate disputes, but it would also deal a fatal blow to the moral prestige of the Organization, by depriving it of all means of bringing its influence to bear on international conflicts and situations threatening the peace. It is surely not in the interest of any Member that the United Nations should be condemned to such impotence and paralysis. If we have faith in the United Nations, if we wish to maintain its moral influence, if we want it to be able one day to undertake all the duties assigned to it in the Charter, we must overcome the difficulties facing us in connexion with peace-keeping operations and find an early solution to this all-important problem. 110. During this session, we shall once again be called upon to discuss the question of disarmament, certain aspects of which have become extremely urgent. We must give first priority to the question of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. Indeed, we have reached a turning-point in the history of the arms race, for there is a danger that it will spread rapidly to an ever-increasing number of nuclear Powers. Should this happen, the possibility of nuclear confrontations would be immeasurably increased, and as a result it would become more and more difficult to prevent recourse to nuclear weapons on a regional or global scale. Very large resources, which might have been devoted to constructive purposes such as economic development or social progress, would be used instead for the acquisition of weapons of mass destruction. It would then be even more difficult, if not impossible, to halt the armaments race and to make progress towards general and complete disarmament. 111. To prevent this catastrophe, we must act without delay and make a concerted effort to put an effective stop to the proliferation of nuclear weapons. The difficulties that arose during the discussions in the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament need not be insurmountable. If we agree on the main point, if we are aware of the deadly danger to all mankind of the unrestricted spread of nuclear weapons, it should be possible to reconcile the differences of opinion concerning certain clauses of the draft treaties submitted by both sides. We are convinced that it is in the interest of all of us that the work of this Committee on non-proliferation should be completed quickly. Concurrently with, or following upon such an agreement, other related problems should of course be solved, particularly the provision of effective guarantees for the security of countries which renounce nuclear weapons and the adoption of measures to limit and end the nuclear arms race between countries possessing such weapons. 112. The Moscow Treaty of 1963 partially banning nuclear weapon tests has still not been supplemented by a treaty banning underground testing. An agreement on the banning of all nuclear weapon tests should also be one of our principal objectives, since the very existence of such an agreement would limit the proliferation of nuclear weapons and at the same time slow down the nuclear arms race between the nuclear countries themselves. Here, the difficulty is the question of verification, for there is no doubt that a treaty which was not strictly enforced by all the parties would fail to achieve its purpose. Verification is therefore an essential element in any treaty on this matter. Recent scientific progress and the possibilities opened up by the various suggestions made at Geneva have already considerably reduced the area of disagreement on the nature of the controls to be established to ensure that a treaty on the banning of underground testing of nuclear weapons is being carried out. We hope that in future discussions it will be possible finally to settle this question. 113. I believe that as long as we show ourselves to be incapable of stopping the nuclear arms race, we cannot feel optimistic about the outcome of our efforts to achieve the supreme objective — general and complete disarmament. My Government feels that the conclusion of agreements on the banning of all tests of nuclear weapons and on the non-dissemination of nuclear weapons would do much to improve the climate of international relations and thus create more favourable conditions for proposals to reduce both nuclear and conventional armaments through a balanced disarmament programme under effective international control. The priority we are giving to nuclear weapons tests should not, however, distract our attention from the fact that a reduction in conventional weapons is just as important and that actually all the wars that mankind has experienced have been fought, and are still being fought, with conventional weapons. 114. Before concluding my statement, I should like to say a few words about another equally important aspect of the activities of the Organization, namely economic questions and more particularly those related to the economic growth of developing countries. 115. Problems of economic development continue to be of the greatest concern to us. It must be acknowledged that, despite the measures taken at previous sessions of the General Assembly, the results achieved during the first half of the United Nations Development Decade have been discouraging. The gap between the industrialized and the developing countries has continued to widen to the detriment of the latter. The rate of growth In the developing countries and the amount of international-aid to those countries has not reached the targets set. Not only has international aid slowed down during the current year, but the terms on which that assistance is provided have not improved. The share of developing countries in total world exports continues to decline. The terms of trade remain unfavourable for those countries. The prices of most commodities are still falling while those of manufactures are constantly rising. 116. In order to remedy this situation, the flow of capital to the developing countries should be augmented, on more favourable terms, and at the same time a sound basis should be provided for increasing the export earnings of those countries, so that they can finance their development projects. The industrialization of the developing countries, which is an integral part of the process of economic development, is another problem for which we must constantly seek workable solutions. Although they should not belittle the importance of the agricultural sector, the developing countries should at the same time make every effort to speed up their industrial development by giving priority to export industries and to industries providing substitutes for imports and thus enable the production of essential industrial goods to be increased. 117. At present the United Nations has at its disposal quite a wide range of different organs to promote the economic development of developing countries and to achieve the targets set for the United Nations Development Decade. 118. In this context the establishment of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) was an historic event. Indeed, this new body, whose formative period has ended, has now entered upon a phase of intense activity and is devoting its attention to finding satisfactory and practical solutions for problems affecting commodity trade, trade in manufactures and semi-manufactures, the financing of development, and invisibles. 119. The Turkish Government attaches the greatest importance to UNCTAD as a body responsible for promoting international trade and development. It is also keenly interested in the second United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which is to find means of remedying the present unfavourable world economic situation. 120. Another vitally important achievement of the United Nations Development Decade was undoubtedly the establishment of the United Nations Organization for Industrial Development (UNOID) [see resolution 2089 (XX)], another practical step taken by the international community in its efforts to promote development. The establishment of this permanent body has provided the United Nations system with a new instrument for promoting industrialization, which is the key to economic progress in the developing countries. 121. Furthermore, we are convinced that the merging of the technical assistance programmes and the Special Fund to form the United Nations Development Programme will help to make technical assistance and pre-investment activities more rational and effective. We also hope that the financial target of $200 million set for this Programme by the General Assembly at its last session [see resolution 2093 (XX)] will be reached. 122. The problem of under-nourishment is reaching dangerous proportions in various parts of the world and there are, unfortunately, indications that this problem will become still more serious in the near future. All of us, developed and developing countries alike, must turn our attention to increasing agricultural productivity in developing countries and give vigorous support to the work of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations to this end. 123. In the same context, I should like to commend the activities of the World Food Programme, which have made it possible to assemble and distribute, through an international organization, food surpluses in developed countries to assist the economic and social advancement of other countries. My Government is happy to note at this juncture that the Programme has acquired a permanent character, We sincerely hope that countries which are in a position to make a substantial contribution will continue to give it their maximum support. 124. Greater efforts must be made to hasten development in the agricultural sector and the application of science and technology in the developing countries must be accelerated. 125. To conclude this part of my statement, I should like to make it clear that it is the will of all States Members of the United Nations which, in the final analysis, will determine how far the bodies we have set up will be able to provide machinery capable of finding practical, satisfactory and prompt solutions to the problems encountered by the developing countries in the economic and social fields. 126. Finally, I wish to express my faith in the future of the United Nations. It is true that, at present, the Organization is passing through a difficult period, full of dangers which, if it does not pay heed to them, may cause it to come to grief. However, I am convinced that these difficulties will be overcome. The ship, in the expert hands of its helmsman, will weather the storm and avoid shipwreck. Once again it will sail on a calm sea and reach its destination - the establishment of peace, well-being and progress throughout the world. 127. It is on this note of optimism and faith that I wish to end my statement.