Please accept my warm congratulations, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-eighth session. I wish you luck and success in your high office. At the same time, I extend a cordial welcome to the new Members of our Organization. Addressing the Assembly 20 years ago, Willy Brandt said that the Federal Republic of Germany’s purpose in joining the United Nations was to help serve the cause of world peace. That has always been, and will remain, the fundamental aim of German foreign policy. At that time, in a bipolar world, Germany was divided. In that year, 1973, the October war broke out in the Middle East. In South Africa the inhuman apartheid regime was dominant. Today my country is united in peace and harmony with our neighbours. Today we can congratulate Israel, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and neighbouring Arab countries on a historic breakthrough. Today the policy of apartheid has been overcome. Without the resolve to seek peace, these developments would not have been possible. World peace, which appears to have come closer as bipolarity has receded, must not remain an unfulfilled vision. The international community’s desire for peace led to the founding of the United Nations after the Second World War. It remains our moral and political obligation to fulfil that legacy. There can be no more important task. In the quest for peace we are faced with a new challenge and a new danger, but we also have a historic opportunity. We are faced with the great challenge of overcoming hunger and poverty around the world, of preserving the natural sources of life, and of creating the foundations for a long-term global population policy. When people have to leave their native lands, when human rights are violated, there can be no peace. Peace is not merely the silence of guns. Hence, economic and social challenges must be very high on the global agenda. The world is deeply unjust. The distribution of mankind’s opportunities is woefully unequal. This we should not tolerate. The danger confronting us is that peace in many parts of the world is threatened by new conflicts, especially those of an ethnic nature. The continuing proliferation of modern weapons and weapon technology increases the destructive potential of these conflicts. Our opportunity, after the end of the East-West confrontation, is to develop the United Nations into what its founding fathers intended it to be: the principal guardian of peace. In performing that role the United Nations must have the support of the numerous other international organizations that are functioning successfully today. I truly believe that we can master the economic, ecological and social challenges and overcome the danger of a relapse into a confrontation of States, peoples, cultures and religions only if we resolutely seize the historic opportunity to strengthen the global multilateral system and the United Nations. Today no country alone can cope with global challenges. Hence we must counteract nationalism with multilateralism. German foreign policy is aimed at strengthening the multilateral world order. It is committed to the goal of European integration. Its purpose is to harmonize and create a fair balance of interests. German foreign policy is therefore a policy within, in support of, and together with the United Nations. I agree with the Secretary-General: Peace can only be preserved if we strike at the roots of conflict. His proposed agenda for development must go hand-in-hand with "An Agenda for Peace". Misery, starvation and poverty are still the overriding problem in many countries. At the eighth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development and at the Rio Conference, the developing and industrial countries agreed on a comprehensive partnership for promoting development and protecting the environment. For that partnership to be successful both sides, North and South, must contribute their share. By carrying out economic and political reforms, making more efficient use of their funds and cutting military expenditure, and ensuring greater democratic control and respect for the rule of law, many developing countries have embarked on the right course. The World Summit for Social Development, scheduled to take place in Copenhagen in 14 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session 1995, must be a forum for dialogue on the social issues re-emerging all over the world. The industrial countries have undertaken to support the efforts of the developing countries by improving the general conditions for world trade in a spirit of solidarity. Such assistance can never be more than help towards self-help. What is required is more entrepreneurial cooperation with developing countries, more direct investment, improved cooperation in the field of technology, the opening of markets and the elimination of trade barriers. The Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) must at long last establish reliable rules for free trade and be brought to a conclusion by December 15. Germany, one of the leading trading nations, is committed to these goals. If new trading blocs were to form, with the attendant conflicting interests, new political confrontations would soon follow. Protectionism would be the worst outcome. The global economy is in the throes of a fundamental structural change. International competition is becoming more intense. Many highly industrialized societies are confronted with fresh challenges. Unemployment and sluggish growth are unexpectedly severe burdens on their productive capacity, both domestically and externally. On the other hand, the trend towards a single world economy opens up the first opportunity for billions of people to offer their products in all markets. All of us, industrial and developing countries alike, must make peace with nature. The United Nations is called upon to protect the natural foundations of life. I propose that the United Nations develop an early-warning system for environmental disasters. The momentum of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development must be maintained. My country is ready for comprehensive cooperation. Germany can make a special contribution, particularly as regards the transfer of environment-friendly technologies. The population explosion is a threat to the planet’s equilibrium. Whereas in the eighteenth century the world population increased by a quarter of a billion in 75 years, it is now increasing by this number every three years. Most of this increase is taking place in countries whose economic and ecological resources are already strained to the limit. Family planning must be enhanced, the poverty gap reduced, and education and knowledge disseminated among women and men alike. A successful International Conference on Population and Development, to be held in Cairo next year, is therefore mandatory. Respect for human rights is a universal obligation. It is a focal point of German foreign policy. Human rights and the protection of minorities belong together. Racism, cultural arrogance and the delusion of wanting to create "ethnically clean" areas constitute a threat to peace. Yugoslavia is a terrible example of this. Where civic, economic, cultural and religious rights of minorities are concerned, the majority may not rule by fiat. The Declaration and Programme of Action of the Vienna World Conference on Human Rights represent the consensus opinion of the community of nations. They reaffirm the universal validity of the human rights. Now it is important to seek rapid implementation. I wish to mention five specific points: Firstly, my country has long advocated the appointment of a high commissioner for human rights. He should be authorized to take steps on his own initiative to protect human rights and to give active support to those countries seeking to improve the human rights situation. Secondly, we need an international criminal court. The International Law Commission has submitted a full draft statute for such a court. The pressure on those who trample human rights under foot must be increased now. Those who torture on this Earth must live in fear of punishment. Thirdly, in order to prosecute speedily those who are responsible for the ghastly violations of human rights in the former Yugoslavia, the Security Council has set up an ad hoc Tribunal. The elected judges must now begin their work right away. A chief prosecutor should be appointed without delay. Fourthly, the non-governmental organizations have become part of the world’s conscience and therefore have an increasingly important role to play in the defence of human rights. Finally, the instruments for ensuring respect for human rights must be given a higher priority in the United Nations budget. The crisis in the former Yugoslavia, and especially the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, is one of the most depressing episodes of our time. A Member of the United Nations has fallen victim to a war of conquest accompanied by genocide and mass expulsions. For the first time since the Second World War, frontiers in Europe are being redrawn by force of arms. The principles of the United Nations have been treated with contempt. The credibility of Forty-eighth session - 29 September l993 15 our institutions - indeed the credibility of the United Nations itself - is being put to the test. If the fighting continues, the winter will prove to be an awful disaster for the suffering people. It must therefore be stopped as quickly as possible and steps taken to ensure that humanitarian aid is provided. We therefore support the Geneva efforts to settle the conflict, in spite of doubts about the current plan, and we express special thanks to the Co-Chairmen, Lord Owen and Thorvald Stoltenberg, for the difficult job they are doing. A settlement now seems within reach, but it must be accepted by all parties to the conflict. No party must impose its will on another. The Bosnian Muslims must be given viable territory. We need an assurance that the community of nations will be resolutely and actively involved in the implementation of a settlement. We cannot tolerate a situation in which the Muslims, who have lived in Europe for centuries, would have fewer rights than their Christian neighbours. Through preventive measures we must ensure that the tragedy of this war does not spill over into neighbouring regions. What is now required is proposals for controlled disarmament in the region. This is a task for the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). After decades of war and bitter antagonism, the Middle East is experiencing a historic breakthrough towards peace. We all want the peace process to become irreversible. Germany and its partners in the European Community have undertaken to provide political, economic and particularly financial support. They have earmarked about a billion deutschemarks for this purpose. I should like to express my respect for both sides for their political courage and their will for peace. I call upon those who still hesitate to help sustain the peace process. I appeal to all to renounce the use of force. The continuing proliferation of arms in many parts of the world is still highly disturbing. President Clinton’s proposals have our support. Encouraging progress has been achieved in the form of the Convention placing a global ban on chemical weapons and of the agreement reached on a mandate for negotiations in the Geneva Conference on Disarmament with a view to a comprehensive test-ban treaty. The test moratorium must be extended. There must be no further testing. The nuclear and non-nuclear Powers alike are urged to consolidate the non-proliferation regime. When the matter comes up for decision in 1995, the Non-Proliferation Treaty must be extended indefinitely. As the representative of a country which many years ago unilaterally and bindingly renounced the possession of nuclear weapons and other means of mass destruction, I appeal to all Members: accede to the Non-Proliferation Treaty. The laying of mines in large regions in many countries has become a scourge for the population. It prevents the return of refugees and the resumption of farming. Thousands have been killed or horribly mutilated. It must be stopped. The European Community has, with our support, seized the initiative. We need a fund to finance mine detection and disposal operations. My country’s European anchorage is indispensable on both political and economic grounds. My Belgian colleague, Willy Claes, has already explained the position of the 12 members of the European Community. Stability in Europe cannot remain a privilege of the Western nations. The peoples of the reformist countries fought for their freedom and we encouraged them to do so. We shall not abandon them now. We must gradually open the road to the Euro-Atlantic institutions for the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Those institutions include the European Community and the Council of Europe as well as the Western European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). I am expecting a clear message from the NATO summit - which is to take place at the beginning of 1994 - like the one that came from the European Community summit meeting in Copenhagen. In this process, no new ruptures must emerge. A lasting peaceful order in Europe is not feasible without including Russia. Over the last four years Germany has made a greater financial effort than any other nation to help the reformist countries on their road to democracy, the rule of law and a free market economy. This assistance, too, is a major contribution to conflict-prevention and the safeguarding of peace. In the present critical phase, Russia’s friends and partners - who include the Germans in particular - must continue to provide political and economic support for President Yeltsin’s reforms. I am concerned about developments in Georgia. We must achieve a cease-fire and work out a viable political solution. This is a task for the United Nations in particular. 16 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session The desire for peace makes it imperative for all countries to seek closer regional cooperation.We support intra-Africa efforts to resolve conflicts and welcome the stronger commitment on the part of the Organization of African Unity. We are gratified by the democratic changes to be observed in Latin America in recent years. Nearly everywhere democracy and free-market principles have asserted themselves and sources of conflict have, thank God, been eliminated. The Association of South-East Asian Nations has become an important instrument for cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region. European-Asian cooperation must be intensified. "An Agenda for Peace" has become the lodestone for the world Organization’s further development. I wish to take this opportunity, Mr. Secretary-General, to express my thanks for your commitment. The Security Council and the General Assembly have constructively taken up the Agenda’s proposals. However, conflict prevention must begin at an early stage. Preventing fires is better than having to put them out. We must focus our energy on the possibilities of preventive diplomacy, confidence-building measures, fact-finding and the early detection of conflicts. The CSCE must back the United Nations within its sphere of jurisdiction. The relations between the two organizations have been intensified. The CSCE should be given wider scope for conflict prevention and crisis management. In wars and crises, the Blue Helmets have helped to protect the civilian population, to prevent the spread of warfare and to initiate the transition to democracy. Some 80,000 troops from more than 70 countries are engaged in 17 peace-keeping missions around the world. They and the United Nations Secretariat’s Department of Peace-keeping Operations deserve our thanks. One of the most successful operations was the one in Namibia. In Cambodia the United Nations has sponsored free elections and restored hopes of lasting peace after decades of terror and oppression. Of course - and it is important to stress this - not all the hopes placed in the United Nations can be fulfilled, and it would be wrong to deny that difficulties have been encountered. But what would happen without the United Nations and the Blue Helmets? To the critics I therefore say that we need not less but more commitment to the United Nations. In Somalia starvation has been overcome. The reconciliation process has been overshadowed by incidents in which troops and civilians have been killed. These are tragedies, but without the United Nations Operation in Somalia, hundreds of thousands would have had to die. Germany has been providing humanitarian aid within the scope of this major peace-keeping operation, our largest commitment of personnel so far within the framework of the United Nations. Our involvement in such operations has the backing of the German people. There is a consensus in our country in favour of widening our scope for contributing to peace. We are engaged in a passionate debate over proposed constitutional amendments which would enable Germany to participate in all United Nations operations without restriction. A policy for peace also means strengthening the rule of law as opposed to the rule of the strong. If the United Nations is prevented from carrying out its mandate, it will have to be in a position to authorize the Security Council to resort to force, as provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter. However, the use of military means should be considered only if we have a clear political blueprint for resolving the conflict. Force must always be the last resort. Consequently, our contribution to the United Nations will continue to be of a mainly political and economic nature. Greater emphasis will have to be placed on United Nations peace-keeping measures in view of the growing responsibilities and demands. First, the United Nations Secretariat’s Department of Peace-keeping Operations must be improved logistically and organizationally and in terms of staff. The German Government is willing to make further experts available to the Secretariat. Secondly, effective crisis management presupposes the ability to react swiftly. The Secretary-General’s initiative for the establishment of stand-by forces has my support. Stand-by forces should not be confined to military units but should include civilian personnel and experts ranging from police to election observers. But participation must always be voluntary and be subject to the fulfilment of national conditions. Thirdly, enhancing the efficiency of the United Nations presupposes a link-up of military forces. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has declared its willingness to Forty-eighth session - 29 September l993 17 make its capacities available. The same holds true for the Western European Union (WEU). Fourthly, in many countries military training is geared solely to the traditional duties of the army. The specific tasks of peace-keeping require a completely different kind of training. The national preparation of "Blue-Helmet" forces needs to be coordinated to a greater degree by the United Nations. For this, common training guidelines are needed. The United Nations should also create its own training capacity; that is my view. Common training and exercises are, at the same time, important steps in confidence-building. Fifthly, peace-keeping operations require sound financing. The responsibility for peace also includes the prompt and complete payment of contributions by all Members. Humanitarian concerns have been of pivotal importance for Germany’s involvement in United Nations activities from the very start. In the Middle East, in Africa, in South-East Asia, in the Gulf region, in Somalia and in former Yugoslavia we are providing humanitarian assistance. We have assumed responsibility for transport, medical care, the monitoring of disarmament measures and the repatriation of refugees. Together with our partners in the European Community we have called for the creation of a post of coordinator for humanitarian assistance. Part of our humanitarian commitment is the readiness to assist refugees from the civil war, whose situation is very distressing. We have admitted more than 350,000 refugees from former Yugoslavia. I urge the General Assembly to use every opportunity to strengthen the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Mrs. Ogata deserves high praise for the job she is doing. More international solidarity and burden-sharing is called for. We must not abandon those countries which, as neighbouring or target countries for the refugees, are particularly affected. The aim must be to offer shelter to refugees from civil wars or other disasters near their home countries in order to facilitate their early return to those countries. For this we need binding rules. I therefore propose the drafting of an international convention to regulate large-scale refugee movements. Another focal point of our involvement in United Nations activities has been what the Secretary-General refers to in his "Agenda for Peace" as post-conflict peace-building. Lasting peace depends on the establishment of democratic and market-economy structures based on the rule of law. Investment in the democratization process is an investment in peace. My country, Germany, sees this as a priority of its commitment to development. That is why Germany participates in missions to observe elections, provides economic experts, and assists in the creation of democratic administrative, judicial and police institutions. I should like to stress that a culture of peace is another prerequisite for lasting peace. Not only governments but also individual citizens must develop the will for peace if we want to overcome racial hatred and religious conflict. A culture of peace encompasses a dialogue between ethnic groups as well as between religions and cultures. The Europeans live next door to and in close contact with Islam. We need bridges of mutual understanding, not new enemy images. We need to promote education for peace. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), with its mandate to foster relations between nations, therefore deserves comprehensive support. Germany advocates the strengthening of all United Nations bodies. We do not want a never-ending discussion on reform, but greater efficiency. We welcome the Secretary-General’s efforts to reorganize the Secretariat. The efforts to revitalize the General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council also meet with our full support. We would be happy if the United Nations were better represented in Germany and have therefore made an offer for the relocation of institutions of technical cooperation to Bonn. The most important decisions on security and peace are today made in the Security Council. This is what the Charter envisaged right from the start. Anyone who wants peace must strengthen the Security Council. In its response to the Secretary-General’s request, the Federal Government has stated that efficiency and credibility are of equal importance for the future composition of the Security Council. Germany is prepared to assume responsibility as a permanent member of the Security Council also. I stated this at the last session of the General Assembly. However, we will be able to maintain and strengthen the credibility of the Council only if, in deliberating on reforming it, we also take into consideration the growing importance of the third world. Finally, let me state that Germany wants to be and will be a driving force in efforts to strengthen the United Nations. We need to achieve a basic consensus for the important tasks ahead of us. In my view this consensus lies 18 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session in the rule of law. The law protects the weak and legitimizes force where it is unavoidable. The law is an expression of partnership and is opposed to tyranny and hegemony. It is the acceptance of law that creates justice. Only where justice reigns can peace flourish.