65. I am sure you will understand, Mr. President, when I say that, in offering you my congratulations on your election to the Presidency, I will go beyond the customary homage and respect due to a new President. On the personal level, we have had the closest and most intimate co-operation during the decade we have served together in this house.
66. For my country, your election carries special significance. The great spiritual heritage which we share with your people has strengthened our love and adjuration of the Afghan nation for the valiant and courageous struggle which it has waged across the centuries to preserve its freedom and national identity.
67. I also wish to express my very high regard and appreciation to Signor Amintore Fanfani, the Foreign Minister of Italy, who guided our work with such distinction and ability during the previous session.
68. This session we meet in an atmosphere filled with anxiety. There are, however, a few rays of hope to lighten an otherwise dark and sombre picture. We are happy to see the irresistible process of national liberation continuing to claim for freedom more and more peoples. During this session, we have admitted a new member to the family of nations. Guyana, and before long two more: Botswana and Lesotho. To those new nations, I offer our sincere congratulations and we look forward to the closest co-operation with their representatives.
69. But of particular satisfaction to us, is the return of Indonesia to its rightful place in this Organization. We have missed its valuable contributions to our work and look forward to hearing once again the voice of that great country resounding in these halls in defence of the causes we all cherish.
70. In reviewing the world situation, we share fully the view expressed by the Secretary-General in the introduction to his annual report, when he said:
"This has been a year; in which, to all those looking and working towards larger international cooperation for the peace and well-being of mankind, the disappointments will seem to have outweighed once more the modest gains made in some directions." [A/6301/Add.I, p. 1]
71. A cruel and senseless war continues to inflict untold suffering on the people of Viet-Nam. In Africa, racism and colonialism continue to defy with impunity the rest of the world. In the Arab homeland, our people in Aden and Oman are still fighting to liberate their lands from colonial rule while the unique injustice inflicted on the people of Palestine remains without redress.
72. With regard to the major world problems, no important initiatives have been taken in the field of disarmament; no appreciable advance has been achieved in economic development; and no progress has been made in the vital work of peace-keeping. Regarding this last problem, the differences which have arisen in connexion with the financing of peacekeeping operations have not yet been resolved, and the future of the Organization as an effective instrument for peace is still uncertain.
73. The issues involved are not merely concerned with the practical questions of establishing, organizing, directing and financing peace-keeping operations; nor are they confined to the constitutional problem of interpreting the Charter and defining the respective areas of responsibility of the Security Council and the General Assembly. They touch on the whole concept and philosophy of the United Nations. The Special Committee on Peace-keeping Operations has not achieved any significant progress in its work during the past year. Its report [A/6414], as the Secretary-General rightly described it, is a negative one. It is now left to this session of the General Assembly to give new impetus to the activities of the United Nations in this field, which is so vital for the future of our Organization.
74. For reasons which are known to all, the problem of Viet-Nam is not being formally considered at this session of the General Assembly. However, it is a situation fraught with the gravest danger for international peace and security and is inflicting unimaginable suffering and anguish on the people of that unhappy land. It is, therefore, our duty as members of an organization dedicated to peace to express our concern in the hope that our collective voice will influence those directly involved to bring to an end this serious danger to peace.
75. The first thing to remember about the war in Viet-Nam is that it did not break out suddenly. What started as an internal conflict was gradually expanded and escalated in the mistaken belief that only through greater military effort would the problem be solved. This, inevitably, led to a systematic and massive bombardment on a scale never matched in such a small and limited area.
76. In order to deal effectively with the situation, it is necessary, I think, to identify the real character of the conflict. The first fact to be borne in mind about the Viet-Namese situation is that it is essentially a civil war. As a civil war fought for political reasons, aiming at the attainment of certain political ends, it must be clear that no military solution is possible, and that the only solution which can be enduring must be based on the freely expressed wishes of the people of Viet-Nam.
77. But, in order to achieve this, the war must be prevented from further expansion. This can be achieved by the complete cessation of bombing, and the scaling down of military operations, the stopping of all reinforcements and military build up. The ultimate political solution must be based on the 1954 Geneva Agreements envisaging the independence, unity and neutralization of Viet-Nam. As the distinguished Foreign Minister of France said:
"[To return to the Geneva Agreements] means agreeing to evacuate all foreign troops and to prohibit their return and forbidding any outside interference whatsoever in the affairs of Viet-Nam, which will undertake to maintain in future a policy of strict neutrality. These directives would be embodied in an international treaty which would be signed by — and hence would be binding upon — all the great Powers and other countries directly involved." [1420th meeting, para. 76.]
78. Another important problem which has a direct bearing on peace in South-East Asia is the continued exclusion of the People's Republic of China from its rightful place in the United Nations.
79. The position of my country is very clear and has been stated, year after year since 1958. The restoration to China of her seat as a founding Member of the United Nations is a matter which cannot be delayed in view of the dangerous situation in South East Asia and the critical stage which the problems of disarmament, and particularly that of the proliferation of nuclear weapons have reached.
80. The problem of Viet-Nam brings to mind two items inscribed in the agenda of the present session. They are, the question of non-interference in the internal affairs of States, and the question of military bases.
81. My country, like many other Arab countries, has long suffered from foreign interference in its internal affairs. Moreover, as is well known, there are few areas in the world which have been afflicted as much by foreign military bases. These bases have been, and are still being, used to prevent parts of our Arab homeland from attaining freedom and independence. These bases are primarily used to maintain unequal relationships and to protect positions of influence. It is our hope, therefore, that a resolution be adopted at this session, re-affirming and following up the implementation of the declaration on non-interference, as well as a resolution on military bases along the lines suggested by the distinguished Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union.
82. Turning to our area of the Middle East, we find that the grave injustice inflicted on the people of Palestine by the creation of Israel continues to be the main source of tension in the area.
83. A question which has often been asked is why the Arabs refuse to be reconciled to the loss of Palestine and the acceptance of Israel as a fact of international life. There are, among those who ask such a question, some who readily concede the injustice of creating a State of alien immigrants through the dispossession of an entire people from its homeland. While fully conscious of the tragedy that has befallen the people of Palestine, they advise the Arabs to try to learn to live with this injustice, and to accept it as an inevitable fact of life.
84. But the fact is that the Arab people cannot accept such a dangerous concept, which implies that once an injustice has been done, once an illegal situation has been established and maintained by the use of force, the sufferers have to accept their fate, and the aggressors are sustained in their aggression. If we were to accept this theory, which gives sanctity and permanence to situations brought about by force and aggression, then we will be tearing to shreds our Charter and making a mockery of all the high principles and ideals enshrined in it.
85. The tragedy of the people of Palestine stands out, unique and unparallelled in the annals of this or any other century in modern times. The Zionist aggression in Palestine was not merely an armed invasion of a country and the imposition of alien rule on its inhabitants. Its aim was to destroy the Arab community of Palestine and permanently detach from the rest of the Arab world a country which had been an integral part of it for more than fourteen centuries. In no other occupied territory in the world has the physical removal of the inhabitants, through mass expulsion, been the avowed objective of the alien usurpers, not even in South Africa, not even in Rhodesia, For this reason, the problem of Palestine must be viewed as a conflict between the people of Palestine, who are determined to regain their homeland under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, and the Zionist invaders, who wish to legalize and consolidate their aggression.
86. The Arab refugees of Palestine are a living reminder of one of the gravest crimes committed against any people. They continue to demand to go back to their ancestral homeland. Their right to do so is not negotiable. It is an absolute and unconditional right that has been solemnly proclaimed and re-affirmed in every resolution adopted by the General Assembly on the refugee problem since 1948, but consistently flouted and violated by Israel.
87. There are those who say that all this is now water under the bridge, that what we should concern ourselves with is established facts. But how can the United Nations accept this theory without violating every principle in its charter? How can the United Nations survive if it surrenders to expediency and allows itself to become an instrument for the consolidation of aggression? As far as the Palestine Arab refugee problem is concerned, we shall not only insist on the full and unconditional implementation of paragraph 11 of resolution 191 (III), granting the right of the refugees to repatriation or compensation, but will urge the Assembly to take effective measures to guarantee the inviolable right of free choice that was given to the refugees and has been re-affirmed annually since 1948.
88. Regarding assistance to the refugees, we are happy to say that, although Iraq has taken full responsibility for the 10,000 Palestinian refugees in our country, my Government has this year decided, in addition to its direct assistance to the Palestine refugees in Iraq, to contribute $100,000 to UNRWA. We did this because we feel that, as Members of the United Nations, we must bear our share of the responsibility of this Organization for the welfare of the refugees pending their return to their homeland.
89. On the question of Aden and the occupied South, the United Nations has played an active and useful role in finding the best ways and means whereby the people of the Territory would achieve their freedom and independence under the best conditions, by peaceful and orderly methods, in accordance with the Charter. A resolution adopted in 1963 [1949 (XVIII)] and reaffirmed in 1965 [2023 (XX)] by the General Assembly, has formulated a clear programme of action for the guidance of the administering Power, with a view to leading the Territory — in co-operation with the United Nations — towards independence, and laying down certain conditions and concrete steps that should be taken prior to the attainment of independence.
90. Last June, in Cairo, the Committee of Twenty-four adopted a resolution [A/6300/Rev.1, chap. VI, para. 382] by which the Secretary-General was requested to appoint a mission to go to the Territory and consult with the people concerned, and with the administering Power, on ways of implementing the resolution and extending United Nations involvement during the period immediately preceding independence. It had been our hope that this mission would be dispatched immediately to the Territory. But this could not be done, mainly because the administering Power — which had been asked repeatedly to declare its acceptance of the resolutions of the General Assembly — had finally done so, subject to certain unacceptable reservations. The British Government stated last August [ibid., chap. VI, annex V, para. 6] that, while they accepted the resolutions in principle, they drew attention to their so-called commitments to the Federal Government of South Arabia and to the various rulers of the area, stating that such commitments could not be altered or modified without the agreement of those concerned.
91. The impression given by this statement, which the British Government called a reservation, was that it would not be possible for the British Government unilaterally to put into effect the constitutional changes called tor in the General Assembly resolutions, prior to the holding of general elections under United Nations supervision and control.
92. It is the view of my delegation that, if this reservation were accepted, then the resolutions would lose meaning. For it is precisely these interim constitutional measures, which the resolutions called for, that make the United Nations presence in the Territory necessary, and without which no adequate preparation could be envisaged tor the attainment by the Territory of its freedom. It is our fervent hope that the British Government will reconsider their position, and indicate their willingness to co-operate with the United Nations in the implementation of these measures.
93. We were gratified, therefore, to hear the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom state, from this rostrum, the other day. his Government's readiness to co-operate. He said:
"More recently we have announced our acceptance of the 1992 and 1960 General Assembly resolutions on Aden [resolutions 1949 (XVIII) and 2023 (XX)] — which inter alia called for our withdrawal from the base — and we have told the Secretary-General that we shall be glad to co-operate with a special mission from the United Nations to recommend practical steps for the full implementation of those resolutions." [1436th meeting, para. 60.]
There is no mention of any reservations, and it is our hope that this will be formally and clearly indicated to the Secretary-General before the mission starts out on its important and historic task.
94. The question of Oman continues to be a matter of grave concern and anxiety to my Government. The struggle of the people of Oman for freedom and independence has been going on for over ten years. The question was referred to the Committee of Twenty- four, as a colonial problem involving the use of force by the colonial Power to maintain its position of influence and privilege. My Government expresses the hope that, at this present session of the General Assembly, action will be taken to put the problem in its proper perspective and set in motion the process of national liberation in Oman through collective international action, as has been the case with other former colonial Territories.
95. Turning to the continent of Africa, we have, in the past, deplored the unwillingness of the British Government to take resolute action to put an end to the rebellious and illegal regime of the racist minority in Rhodesia, It is quite clear that the half-hearted measures so far taken have not and are not likely to create any impression on that regime and afford no real hope for the oppressed African majority. It is far from certain whether selective mandatory sanctions are sufficient to deal with the problem. My delegation fully supports the African States in their demand that force be used to put an end to racist minority rule.
96. Portugal's desperate efforts to maintain a foothold in Africa will no doubt crumble before the mighty tide of African nationalism. All Members of the United Nations — particularly those with special relations with Portugal — must shoulder their responsibilities in helping to bring about the speedy liquidation of the Portuguese colonial empire in Africa. South Africa continues to defy the United Nations and world opinion by its illegal occupation of South West Africa, and by its apartheid policies. My Government will do everything in its power to alleviate the suffering of the victims of apartheid, and will support any action taken by the United Nations to ensure the compliance of the South African Government with the numerous resolutions adopted by the General Assembly in this regard.
97. The question of South West Africa is still being discussed here in the General Assembly. My delegation has already had an opportunity to express its views, and I shall therefore confine my comments to an expression of regret for the failure of the International Court of Justice to deal with the substance of this question. It shirked its duly and responsibility by invoking a legal technicality which should never have been allowed to influence its judgement on a case with such important political and legal implications. It is now the duty of the General Assembly to take effective measures to save the people of South West Africa from the rule of the South African racists.
98. This past year has been a disappointing one in respect of disarmament and economic development. The Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee has not been able to make any real progress towards the solution of some of the outstanding problems, which must be solved before there can be general and complete disarmament.
99. A particularly urgent question is the necessity of concluding an international treaty to control the proliferation of nuclear weapons. This is a problem that cannot be delayed much longer. If nothing is done within the coming months, hen it may be too late to control the spread of nuclear weapons, with all the fearful consequences that this entails for the human race. We were most heartened by recent Indications of an impending understanding between the two major nuclear Powers on a treaty for nonproliferation and on the peaceful uses of outer space.
100. The General Assembly is called upon at this session to make a determined effort to find the widest measure of agreement on the principles which should guide the Eighteen-Nation Committee in its deliberations next year. It is also our hope that the efforts to hold a world disarmament conference will bear fruit and that such a conference, in which all the major military Powers — including the People's Republic of China — will participate will be held during the coming year.
101. The developing countries, including my own, are engaged in the gigantic task of rebuilding their societies on progressive and modern foundations. The nature and dimension of this problem arc only now being understood and appreciated by the international community.
102. The problem of closing the gap between the developing and developed countries has not yet been seriously met. The United Nations Development Programme has made valuable contributions, but its resources are limited and woefully inadequate. Conscious of this, my country, as a token of its appreciation and confidence in the Programme, has raised its contribution by 33 per cent of the Special Fund and by 23 per cent to the Expanded Programme for Technical Assistance. The United Nations is still not permitted to deal effectively with the crucial question of financing development. While we fully agree that the key to the problem of financing is trade, rather than aid. we feel that action is now overdue to divert a much greater proportion of financial assistance through multilateral channels.
103. The first six years of the tinted Nations Development Decade have been disappointing. The rate of growth still falls short of the 5 per cent envisaged in the resolution adopted by the Genera: Assembly m 1901. The General Assembly and, under its authority, the Economic and Social Council, are required to take vigorous action to reverse this trend during the remaining years of the Decade. This can be achieved only if there is a great* willingness on the part of the developed countries to bring their trade and economic policies into closer harmony with the objectives of the Decade. The developing countries, in their turn, must exert greater efforts and adopt sounder and more progressive economic and financial policies and planning to help them traverse the long and difficult road that lies ahead.
104. I have left to the end of my statement what I consider to be the most important question facing this session of the General Assembly, namely, the decision of I Thant not to offer himself for re-election as Secretary-General. He has rendered great services to this Organisation and he has earned universal confidence and esteem. No one can really disagree with the reasons which prompted him to take this decision, which we hope is not irrevocable. I add my voice to the numerous distinguished representatives who preceded me in expressing the hope that he will find it possible to reconsider his decision, especially as there seems to be such a strong response to his appeal to us all to deal seriously with the problems and the difficulties which led t .,s decision. We ask him to stay on because he is needed at this critical juncture in the life of the Organization for the ideals of which he has dedicated himself with such single-minded devotion.