1. Mr. President, the Government of the Republic of Malawi, which I have the honour to represent, is deeply grateful for the opportunity which has been accorded to me today to address yourself and the Members of this Assembly. It is not my wish to take up a great deal of the valuable time of this Assembly, and indeed that will not be necessary for the views of my Government on a number of important issues which were touched upon at the twentieth session of the Assembly in 1965 remain completely unchanged. There are, however, a number of new and important issues before the Assembly this year which have not been raised before, and it is my Government’s wish that I should take advantage of this opportunity to place before yourself and my colleagues in the General Assembly as briefly as possible our views thereon.
2. Before I embark upon some of the more controversial issues, however, I should like to touch upon certain matters about which I feel sure there can be no diversity of opinion. First of all, Mr. President, I would like to convey to you my Government’s most sincere congratulations on your election to the Presidency of the General Assembly at its twenty-first session. You come, Mr. President, from a country which, it is our regret, is little known to us in Malawi, but with which nevertheless my country has common interests and common bonds of friendship as fellow members of the great Afro-Asian family of nations. Your country’s ancient heritage and long-standing traditions are examples of stability in an unstable world today of which your people may be justly proud and from which we have much that is good to learn. Your own eminence in the service of your country, Mr. President, is well known, and the sterling qualities which you have shown in that service are such as to make you, Sir, most eminently suited to preside over our deliberations at this session. Under your guidance, Mr. President, I am certain that, with this session of the Assembly facing, as it does, many vexing and complex colonial problems, Afghanistan’s Presidency will go down in the history of this world body as one of the most outstanding.
3. I should like also, Mr. President, to pay tribute to your predecessor, Signor Fanfani, whose patience, impartiality and integrity in handling the affairs of this Assembly played a key role in the success of its last historic session. I feel sure that I am voicing not only the feelings of my own country of Malawi but of all Member nations when I say that we owe a deep dept of gratitude to Signor Fanfani for the contribution he made to the success of the Assembly’s deliberations at a crucial period in its history.
4. I feel also that it is only fitting that I should add my country’s tribute, along with those of many others, to the work of our Secretary-General, whose patience, hard work and untiring devotion to the cause of peace have been an inspiration to us all. It is a matter of deep regret to us all that his term of office comes to amend this year, but it is our sincere hope that this even will not bring to an end the valuable services which he has rendered to the United Nations over the past few years, and that we shall all continue in the future to benefit from the example which we have in him of a man truly dedicated to the cause of the United Nations.
5. What I have said so far has been confined to matters on which I am sure there is no dispute, no controversy and no divergence of opinion. I wish that that could be said of all the matters which will form the subjects of debate in this Assembly. Alas, human nature is such that that is hardly likely to be so; if it were, the world in which we live would be a better place and the task of the United Nations a simple one. As it is, the task of the United Nations is far from simple and the problems to which it must apply itself are most complex and difficult of solution — none, perhaps, more so than the problem of Rhodesia.
6. Rhodesia is our neighbour and many of its inhabitants are our brothers. Many of its leaders have known the inside of prison cells together with the leaders of my own country during the dark days of our struggle for freedom. Their fate under the present illegal regime in Rhodesia therefore is not a matter of indifference to us in Malawi; it is a matter of grave concern, and we in Malawi are as determined as any other nation to see restored to Rhodesia proper constitutional rule and a true non-racial democracy under which the rights of our brother Africans to freedom, justice and peace will be properly safeguarded. The links between us and those brothers were forged in the dark days of difficulty, and for that our determination to help them and to bring to an end the present situation is all the more enhanced. Let it not be thought that Malawi is in any way acquiescent in the present state of affairs in Rhodesia or that it holds any brief for the present illegal regime there. Rhodesia is not only a problem, it is a problem with which both we in Malawi and our brothers in Zambia have got to live, and we must be realistic in our approach to it.
7. We in Malawi hold very strongly the view that, Rhodesia being a self-governing British colony, the solution to the current problem there is primarily a British responsibility. But when I say “primarily”, I do not mean exclusively. We, all of us, have a responsibility in this matter as well as Britain, and that responsibility is to help and not to hinder Britain in the task with which it is faced. I know full well that there are many nations, especially in Africa, which are becoming increasingly impatient with Britain and are angry that its policy of aiming to bring down the illegal regime in Rhodesia by the application of sanctions is not having the desired result as quickly as we would all wish. Britain, which must bear the responsibility for solving this problem, has chosen sanctions as the weapon to achieve its aims and objectives in Rhodesia. There are those who hold differing opinions about this and would advocate different approaches to this problem. Those differences, however, concern not the objectives but the means of attaining those objectives. Indeed, wit’ very few exceptions, most nations of the world are fully .jreed on those aims and objectives, namely, the establishment of a non-racial democracy in Rhodesia under which the men and women of Rhodesia may be able to live there in peace and harmony instead of in an atmosphere of war, friction and distrust. It is the duty of all of us to help and not to hinder the bringing about of that state of affairs.
8. Britain is confident that the result which we all desire can be brought about by the non-violent use of sanctions; it is equally confident that the use of force involving the loss of life should not and cannot be resorted to. We in Malawi share both those views: the first because we believe that, given proper support by all nations, the use of sanctions could be effective; and the second because we believe that the use of force and the shedding of blood is both wrong in principle and impracticable.
9. Let the advocates of force and violence think just for one moment not only of the horrors of violence and bloodshed but also of the practical difficulties lying in the way of effective resort thereto. Let us think rather of ways and means of helping Britain in its task and of making the weapon which it has chosen more effective. Sanctions, as we all know, provide a blunt-edged weapon if they are not backed by all concerned. Let us sharpen that weapon by collective efforts to ensure that those sanctions may be effective, by enforcing the economic boycott of Rhodesia’s goods and supplies, by denying to it oil supplies, and by helping those who would seek to back Britain in doing just this but who themselves are immediately in difficulties when they seek to do so. It is not, however, easy to change the whole pattern of a country’s economy overnight. The pattern of our economy and, to an even greater degree, that of our neighbour Zambia has, through an accident of geography, long contained an element of economic dependence upon Rhodesia, and that element cannot be eradicated overnight unless there is a similar element to replace it elsewhere.
10. To attempt to cut off all economic ties with Rhodesia would do us far more harm than it would do Rhodesia if other sources of supplies, other means of carrying on our essential export trade, were not available; but we can and will seek to reduce those ties. There are, however, other nations not so dependent upon Rhodesia for the survival of their economies, which can, with little harm to themselves, do far more than they are doing at the moment to make economic sanctions effective, particularly by helping to deny to Rhodesia essential oil supplies.
11. It may well be that Britain will eventually turn to the United Nations for help in the application of further mandatory sanctions on a selective basis to assist it in its avowed aim and object; but the question of when it does and to what extent it does must be left to Britain to decide in the first instance. When it does do so, however, we must support it in its efforts; and Britain may rely upon Malawi’s full backing, as far as its limited means permit, in whatever measures Britain decides to take and whatever requests it may lay before this Assembly or before the Security Council.
12. Above all, however, we must be realistic in our approach to this problem. We cannot expect Britain to commit economic suicide over it, nor can we expect it to use direct force against the inhabitants of Rhodesia. Not only are such measures impractical for military reasons; it would also be asking too much of human nature to expect Britain to turn the sword of war against its many innocent kith and kin residing in Rhodesia. Short of this, however, we expect Britain to do everything in its power to bring to an end the present state of affairs in Rhodesia and to set the pattern there for proper and orderly progress towards the establishment in Rhodesia of a true non-racial democracy. My Government believes in the sincerity of Britain in this respect, and we have faith that if Britain is allowed to resolve this problem as best it can, this will be in the best interests, in the long run, of our African brothers in Rhodesia.
13. The problem of South West Africa has already loomed large in our deliberations at this session of the Assembly and will continue to do so. We shall be failing in our responsibilities to the peoples of that Territory if we do not succeed during the next few months in finding a solution to that problem.
14. The problem of South West Africa has been before the world body for many years now with little having been achieved, and there were few of us who did not hope, or indeed confidently expect, that we were on the point of finding a solution to that problem through the rule of law. As a Member of this Organization which believes in the rule of law, Malawi lent full support to, and contributed very substantially towards, the cost of the litigation which our two sister States of Ethiopia and Liberia initiated before the International Court of Justice. Our disappointment at the recent outcome of that case was as acute as that of many other nations, especially the nations of Africa, which have a special interest in the matter.
15. I will not seek to argue the rights and wrongs of the decision in that case, for to do so would be a waste of time; a decision has been made, and since there is no appeal therefrom we must accept that decision at its face value and consider where it places those who champion the cause of South West Africa. We are not, however, despondent, nor do we regard the decision as by any means the be-all and end-all of the matter. For that decision has not in fact decided anything in relation to the main issues at stake; all that it has done is to render null and void all the effort that has been put into this case over the past six years and leave us virtually where we began. It has most certainly not, as some people seek to claim, decided the main issue as to whether the respondent in the case is in breach of the terms of the Mandate originally given by the League of Nations in respect of South West Africa; it has simply left the main issue completely undecided. To us, the biggest disappointment lies in the utter waste of time and effort that has resulted.
16. We in Malawi share to the full the view that in applying to its administration of its Mandate over South West Africa the principles of the doctrine of apartheid, the Republic of South Africa is in breach of the terms of that Mandate, and we deplore such a state of affairs. The problem is, however, to find the most practical way of bringing that state of affairs to an end.
17. We are convinced that the course of action embarked upon by the petitioners on behalf of their fellow African States was well conceived and sound. I refer, of course, to the concept of obtaining from the International Court of Justice a judgement which could, with every justification, have been taken to the Security Council for enforcement action under Article 94 (2) of the Charter of the United Nations. Such action, we feel, stood every chance of achieving success and leading to effective action to bring to an end the present state of affairs under the Mandate. Such action, however, has been frustrated by a judgement, based on a purely technical point, which leaves the main issue completely undecided and which indeed immediately poses the question: where do we go from here?
18. The recent judgement of the International Court indicated quite clearly that in the view of that Court, the petitioners, Liberia and Ethiopia, had no legal interest in the matter sufficient to entitle them to bring the case. It leaves, however, completely unanswered the complementary question as to which States, if Liberia and Ethiopia did not have sufficient legal interest in the cause, do have sufficient legal interest to enable them to become petitioners instead. That seems to my Government to be the all-important question which should be answered, and it is our view that we should first seek to find an answer to that question before abandoning the legal approach to the problem altogether.
19. In our view, this important issue should not be thrown back into the political arena unless and until we are convinced that that question cannot be answered and that further legal action is impossible. We in Malawi are great believers in the rule of law, and we would not wish to see the search for a just answer to the problem through the rule of law lightly abandoned.
20. We recognize, however, that that may be an idealistic point of view and that, in practice, further legal action may be impossible, particularly because of lack of finance to support such action. If that be the case and if, as seems likely, the general consensus of opinion is that further legal action is impractical and the problem must necessarily be thrown back into the political arena, then so be it. But I must make one thing clear: the Government of Malawi cannot and will not support any proposals, however idealistic in their aim, which are prima facie incapable of practical implementation.
21. My President has instructed me to make it quite clear that it is both his unshakable personal belief and the firm view of the Government of Malawi that under no circumstances should any resolution before this Assembly be supported unless ways and means of carrying it into practical effect can be envisaged. This is a basic principle in which we believe and which we are not prepared to set aside, for it is our view that resolutions of this kind reflect no credit on anybody and in the long term can only detract from the dignity and authority of the United Nations as a whole.
22. For this reason and this reason alone we have felt unable up to now to give full support to a resolution which calls for the revocation of South Africa’s Mandate in respect of South West Africa and the handing over of the administration of that territory to a United Nations commission. I wish, however, to make it abundantly clear that my Government’s stand on this should not be interpreted as implying that we hold any brief for the manner in which the Mandate over South West Africa has been administered, or that we are in any doubt as to the need for a radical change in the situation there. The position is simply that we do not see how such a resolution can be implemented, and therefore our principles will not permit us to lend it full support.
23. Malawi has no ready-made solution to this problem to propound, for we are no experts in these matters, but we are very ready to listen to practical suggestions and, if we are convinced that they are capable of implementation, to lend them our support.
24. As regards proposals which have been made for the enlargement of the International Court of Justice, Malawi supports such proposals on the grounds that a wider geographical distribution of representation thereon is justified because of the considerably increased size of the world body since the Court was established. We would not, however, support such proposals if they were based on a desire to see serving as members of the Court a greater number of judges which might be expected to show sympathy towards any one particular cause or point of view. No court that is worthy of the name should be composed of judges biased in any particular direction, and a court that has lost the confidence of those who appear before it is better dissolved than packed with sympathizers.
25. Having made mention of apartheid it is only fitting that I should also make clear my Government’s attitude towards the principles of the philosophy that sustain that system. I need hardly say that our belief in a non-racial democracy is completely at variance with the principles of apartheid, and it is our earnest hope that one day the Government of South Africa will be moved to abandon its present policies in that respect, not so much as a result of threats and disapproval voiced by other nations as by the example which Africa herself has set.
26. The philosophy of apartheid is a philosophy of fear — the non-African’s fear of the African — and it is only by example that such fears can be proved groundless and eradicated.
27. Country after country in Africa has proved beyond any shadow of doubt that it is possible for both African and non-African peoples to live in harmony and peace together and to pool their knowledge and abilities for the common good of the countries to which they belong and to which they owe their allegiance. Not least amongst such countries are Kenya and Malawi.
28. We look forward to the day when the authorities in South Africa may be persuaded that the non-African has nothing to fear from the African and thereby be persuaded, through the examples set in other countries where harmony between the races is so amply demonstrated, that the time has come to abandon their concept of apartheid. When that day comes my country will be glad to applaud the equitable act of a Member State for discarding that national philosophy which is so contrary to the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of the Declaration of Human Rights. May I express the hope that as better understanding among the peoples of Africa grows and fear and suspicion subside, that day may not be too far off.
29. To our deep regret, another year has passed without seeing an end to the bitter and distressing armed struggle in Viet-Nam. That fighting and bloodshed should be continuing in that unfortunate country reflects no credit on anybody and must remain a blot on the consciences of all of us. I do not propose to indulge in recriminations over the rights and wrongs of the conflicting ideologies which have split that country in two and thrown it into the pit of civil war, for there is upon the conscience of the whole world a far greater wrong-the wrong of war itself.
30. We cannot believe that anyone in this Assembly does not want to see peace in Viet-Nam, but peace needs goodwill on both sides; just as it takes two to make a quarrel, so too it takes two to make peace. Neither of the conflicting parties in Viet-Nam has the right, so long as bloodshed continues there, to stand upon its dignity and argue the rights of its political philosophies. Those rights and wrongs must be argued out around the conference table.
31. In the hope that all those on either side of the conflict with whom the power to bring peace to the peoples of Viet-Nam rests may pay heed to the voice of a small nation that believes above all else in peaceful coexistence, we appeal not just to one side and its supporters but to both sides to bring an end to this stupid and needless bloodshed and to come together around a conference table with a sincere and honest intent to find a modus vivendi which will bring to the unhappy peoples of Viet-Nam a release from their present suffering in the toils of war. In short, I cannot do better than echo the words of His Holiness Pope Paul VI in ills recent appeal for peace in Viet-Nam when he said:
“We renew our sorrowful appeal for peace and concord, and we ask that every means be taken, every road followed, so that at long last that just and honourable solution can be achieved which is so ardently desired by all humanity.”
32. Malawi has been following with great interest the deliberations of the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee. Whilst we are naturally disappointed at the lack of speed with which that Committee appears to be reaching any concrete conclusions, we nevertheless believe that it is essential that those discussions should continue in the hope that, from the maze of proposals and counter-proposals, there will ultimately emerge a measure of agreement which might form a basis for general disarmament. As a nonnuclear State ourselves, we view with alarm the increasing proliferation of nuclear armaments. We wish to take this opportunity to appeal to those States with the power and the means to do so to channel both their wealth and their technological knowledge into the development of nuclear power for peaceful rather than warlike ends. With this in mind, I should like to pay tribute to the position adopted by the Government of India in refraining from joining in the nuclear armaments race, although I understand that it has the capability and the capacity to do so had it so wished.
33. I cannot close without once again paying due tribute to the assistance which Malawi continues to receive from the economic, social and technical agencies of the United Nations. As a developing country, the assistance which we continue to receive from these agencies is of the greatest value to us and I should like to express my country’s gratitude not only to the United Nations itself and its specialized agencies for that assistance, but also to those Member States of the world body whose generous voluntary financial contributions to the coffers of the United Nations have made the activities of its agencies possible in such large measure.
34. At the same time we are conscious of the fact that, whilst the needs of developing countries for assistance in the economic, social and technical spheres will continue to grow as the years go by, there can be no guarantee that the voluntary contributions from Member States will be able to keep pace therewith. This being the case, we feel that great caution must be exercised with a view to using to the best advantage such financial resources as are available. Every avenue must be fully explored with a view to effecting economies in this field, not by reducing the funds available for assistance to developing countries, but by ensuring the maximum co-ordination of existing activities to eliminate duplication of effort and the reduction of studies whose value is not so direct and immediate. We do not wish in any way to suggest any unnecessary curtailment of the activities of the United Nations in this field, but, by small countries such as Malawi, any increase in the over-all budget of the United Nations and its specialized agencies, and the resultant increases in the contributions thereto which we may be called upon to make, cannot but be viewed with concern.
35. I should like to extend, on behalf of Malawi, to the new Member States which have joined or will shortly be joining the family of the United Nations the same warm welcome as was extended to us two years ago. To Botswana and Lesotho we should like to extend a welcome as brother African States with which we share common problems and common difficulties stemming from our geographical positions. To Guyana - and, we hope in due course to Barbados - our welcome is extended as a sister State in that unique organization to which we are both proud and happy to belong, the Commonwealth. To give credit where credit is due, we feel that the presence of these new Members with us now is clear evidence of the sincere desire of the Government of the United Kingdom to grant to its former colonies and dependencies political independence at the earliest practical moment. We should like to express the hope that the few remaining colonial Powers will not be slow to emulate that example.
36. Finally, we feel that an expression of welcome back into the fold of the United Nations is due to Indonesia. Although not in the strict sense a new Member of the world body, Indonesia has been absent from our midst for some time, but we in Malawi are most gratified to see that the root cause of its withdrawal last year has now been removed and that the Government of Indonesia feels once more able to play a part in the deliberations of this Assembly. We welcome the fresh approach to some of our problems which, I feel sure, the changed circumstances of its membership will bring and look forward once again to an era of full co-operation with Jts representatives.