Nepal

102. Mr. President, I should like to take this opportunity to convey to you, and, through you, to the distinguished representatives, the greetings and good wishes of His Majesty King Mahendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev for the success of the twenty-first session of the General Assembly. 103. On behalf of the delegation of Nepal and on my own behalf, I extend to you our most sincere congratulations on your election to the high office of the Presidency of the General Assembly at its twenty-first session. We greatly rejoice in your election because not only are Afghanistan and Nepal ruled by the most enlightened constitutional monarchs having only the welfare of their peoples at heart, but both of our countries have also common aspirations and common goals in international affairs. 104. Your demonstrated abilities as the representative of your great country, during the past many years, Mr. President, assure the successful outcome of the present session. 105. We were happy to note that, unlike its predecessor, which was paralysed by the no-vote procedure, the twentieth session of the General Assembly could carry on its business smoothly and effectively. Much of the credit for the success of the twentieth session of the General Assembly goes to a distinguished statesman of Europe, His Excellency Amintore Fanfani, under whose wise direction we were privileged to work. 106. The United Nations may not have achieved the desired success in the field of peace-keeping, but in spite of that, the handling of the India-Pakistan conflict by the world Organization last year showed that the United Nations still remains a powerful peacemaker. Had the United Nations not acted in time, the India-Pakistan conflict might have brought untold misery to the millions of people living in the subcontinent, and would have imposed further political and economic strain on both the countries, which are Nepal's immediate neighbours. 107. The efficient handling of the recent India-Pakistan conflict by Secretary-General U Thant has further established his dedication to the cause of the United Nations and to world peace. T would also like to pay tribute to the Soviet Government, through whose good offices normal relations between the two countries could be re-established. Good relations between India and Pakistan are very dear to our hearts, not only because Nepal is a neighbour of both of these countries, but also because we have always espoused the cause of world peace and prosperity. 108. On behalf of His Majesty's Government, I should like to express our profound confidence in the Secretary-General, U Thant. He has not only served the Organization with distinction and devotion, but has also received the respect and confidence of the entire Membership. My Government was one of the many which appealed to him to make himself available for a second term as Secretary-General of the United Nations. 109. My delegation realizes the importance attached to the question of principle and the question of conscience referred to by the Secretary-General in explaining the reasons that were responsible for his decision to terminate his association as Secretary-General after the expiry of his current term. We do feel that the prospects for the continued peace of the world are not bright, that the Powers that matter are not attempting a solution of the problems referred to by the Secretary-General. This is also why the world Organization stands in need of the continued service of a dedicated servant of peace such as U Thant. 110. I should like to take this opportunity to welcome Guyana as the newest Member of the United Nations. The people of Guyana have achieved their independence after a long period of heroic struggle. The former administering Power also deserves our appreciation, as we have found that, unlike some of the other colonial Powers, Great Britain, realizing the possible impact of popular struggle, has conceded independence to many of its former colonial territories. Guyana emerges as a sovereign State in the Western Hemisphere with the distinctive traditions of Asia and Africa. We are confident that Guyana will provide an example to the world as to how the descendants of peoples migrating from two different continents can establish their merged national identity in a third continent. 111. When delegations assemble here every year, the primary concern that they express is that arising from the problem of war and peace. My delegation thinks that the most agonizing problem facing the world today is that of the unending and most inhuman war in Viet-Nam. 112. The situation in Viet-Nam has been causing us the greatest concern. We fear that this situation may lead the world to a point of no return. Nepal has repeatedly stated that any provocation leading to the escalation of the conflict must be avoided. But contrary to reasonable appeals from all peace-loving countries, there are no indications of any genuine attempt at a peaceful solution of the Viet-Nam question. 113. We cannot but realize the utter futility of the senseless war in Viet-Nam, from whatever point of view we look at the situation in that country. The hardships to which the Viet-Namese people, through no fault of their own, have been subjected have no parallel. To insist on a military solution of the Viet- Nam question may, in our opinion, turn into the greatest political blunder of our age. The problem of Viet-Nam is larger than a military problem, and indeed larger than a political problem, because at present it is a human problem, Viet-Nam today most vividly and most pathetically symbolizes the difficulties of a small country. 114. The Geneva Agreement of 1954 was certainly a move in the right direction, and it has been made amply clear now that the deliberate and escalated violation of that Agreement in recent times has led only to further miseries for the Viet-Namese people. The present division of Viet-Nam is artificial, and we know that the people of Viet-Nam want to unite. It is most unfortunate that great-Power politics should have stood in the way of any natural, peaceful solution of the Viet-Nam question. 115. The Secretary-General has made an eminently sensible proposal for the immediate cessation of the Viet-Nam conflict. He suggests the ending of bombing in North Viet-Nam, a scaling-down of military activities in South Viet-Nam, and the beginning of talks among all parties, including the Viet-Cong. 116. We feel that the first prerequisite for the solution of the Viet-Nam question is an immediate ceasefire. Once a cease-fire is arrived at, peace can be negotiated among the parties concerned and apolitical settlement made on the basis of the Geneva Agreements. The Viet-Namese people have inalienable rights to unity, independence and sovereignty, and their wishes should be respected in the event of any kind of settlement of the question. 117. The question of Viet-Nam is essentially one of a nation divided against its will. Unfortunately, there are also other nations in the world, such as Germany and Korea, which are divided against their will. We know that divided peoples, whether in Viet- Nam, Korea or Germany, want to unite. Unification is their natural aspiration. It is our view that no nation has any right to place obstacles in the way of the fulfilment of this aspiration. 118. We are happy that the prolonged state of armed confrontation between Indonesia and Malaysia, which had further aggravated the already tense situation in South-East Asia, has come to an end. Indonesia and Malaysia are neighbours, very close both racially and culturally. By ending the state of confrontation, the leaders of both countries not only rendered a service to their peoples but also contributed to the lessening of tension in South-East Asia, in particular, and in the world in general. 119. I wish also to welcome the Indonesian decision to rejoin the United Nations and to take part in its deliberations. Indonesia has been one of the most active members of the Afro-Asian family in fostering and promoting international brotherhood. Whether in Bandung, Belgrade, Cairo or the United Nations, the active participation of Indonesia in international affair s has yielded many positive results, of which the peaceful solution of the West Irian question is an example. It is therefore heartening to note that Indonesia has seen its way clear to resume co-operation with the United Nations. 120. I wish to refer now to the question of the lawful representation of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations. This is a great and urgent question and should therefore receive the priority of our attention. The United Nations will remain disabled in fulfilling its objectives of peace so long as the existence of 700 million Chinese people continues to be ignored. To ignore China is bad enough; to try to perpetuate this situation by advocating a two-China theory is worse. There is only one China, and there is no escaping the fact that the present Government in Peking represents that China in all its totality. China is not only an ancient nation: it is also a mighty nation. Our experience from our relations with China has shown that it pursues a strict policy of noninterference, equality and mutual respect. 121. Nepal attaches great importance to the United Nations. We welcome any move calculated to strengthen the world Organization. We believe that the United Nations will be strengthened when its membership becomes universal. For this reason also we have been advocating that the People's Republic of China should be accorded its proper representation in the United Nations. It is unfortunate that the people's Republic of China, with all its vast resources and manpower, should be kept forcibly out of the world Organization. In the present conditions of tension, the People's Republic of China has a most important and vital role to play in international affairs. We feel that without the active participation of China in world affairs the great questions of the day cannot be resolved. The United Nations will be a more effective instrument of peace with the People's Republic of China than without it. 122. Disarmament is, undoubtedly, one of the most important problems of war and peace. The sense of urgency which should have been attached to this problem is unfortunately lacking. The arms race is continuing in almost geometric proportions. While the estimate of expenditure on armaments was $100,000 million a year towards the end of the fifties, by the middle of the sixties it has risen to $200,000 million annually. This figure is far more than the combined national income of all the developing countries. 123. This situation underlines the need for complete and general disarmament as soon as possible. Complete and general disarmament should apply to both conventional and nuclear weapons. The disastrous consequences of the present armaments race are obvious enough. Considering the huge sum of money that goes into the piling up of armaments with the vast technological and scientific resources involved, developing countries such as Nepal have every reason to suggest saving on armaments and utilizing the money and resources in the worthier and more humane cause of rehabilitating the less fortunate section of mankind. 124. For this reason we have always lent our support to the moves for disarmament, whether within or outside the United Nations. We had placed special hope on the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee and the three-Power negotiations on the banning of nuclear tests. Although the usefulness of the first cannot be denied, nevertheless it has become almost ineffective after endless, inconsequential talks which moved in a circle. The second ended only with the partial nuclear test-ban Treaty. 125. While we believe that nothing short of complete and general disarmament will meet the situation, we have given our support to any limited measure that haB been agreed, in the hope that it might lead to some promising lessening of tension in the world. It was in this spirit that we associated ourselves with many countries in signing the partial nuclear test-ban Treaty, In the international situation of today, fraught as it is with the gravest of contradictions, we feel that we cannot reject the slow method of achieving the final objective of complete and general disarmament through a series of steps of limited nature. We say this, although we are aware of the less encouraging developments in the world following the signing of that Treaty. 126. The progress of disarmament negotiations has been slow. Even the partial test-ban Treaty has not been extended in scope to cover underground tests as well. If the comprehensive test-ban Treaty is not possible only because some Powers feel that a verification system is lacking, then we could very well recommend the acceptance by the parties of the formula put forward by the eight non-aligned members of the Eighteen- Nation Disarmament Committee for inspection by invitation, or its Swedish variant. We feel that the nuclear Powers could at least undertake an experimental suspension of underground nuclear tests and start negotiations on a comprehensive test-ban treaty. 127. Guided by a sincere desire for peace, my delegation was happy to support the proposal for the convening of a world disarmament conference. But, regrettably, the big Powers have shown very little interest in the initial preparations for convening the conference. We are convinced that a disarmament conference actively participated in by all principal nuclear Powers of the world would be successful in evolving effective machinery for disarmament. 128. Nepal believes that the only wise policy for States to pursue is that of peaceful coexistence. We believe that one of the tenets of peaceful coexistence is non-interference in the domestic affairs of other States. His Majesty King Mahendra has, time and again, laid stress on the principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of another country as the cornerstone of Nepal's foreign policy. It is in this spirit that my delegation has supported the United Nations Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in the Domestic Affairs of States and the Protection of Their Independence and Sovereignty, adopted last year [resolution 2131 (XX)]. We have always had an absolute faith in these principles, which we consider to be of fundamental importance for the growth of peace and friendship among nations. We have witnessed in the recent past that unsolicited armed intervention and other direct or indirect forms of interference in the affairs of other States necessarily bring in their wake complicated international problems, endangering the peace and security of many nations. 129. The delegation of Nepal welcomes the two draft treaties on outer space and celestial bodies proposed, one by the United States [A/6392] and one by the Soviet Union [A/6352], We are, moreover, happy to note that there is a remarkable agreement between the two drafts on fundamental points. We consider that there should be little difficulty in further coalescing the remaining basic points on which agreement has not yet been reached and presenting the draft treaty to the General Assembly for adoption. 130. Since the signing of the partial test-ban Treaty, relations between the two super Powers have been increasingly cordial. This is an extremely good augury for world peace and security. If the spirit of the two draft treaties on the use of outer space and celestial bodies for scientific and peaceful purposes could be maintained, we are confident of greater progress and material welfare for the people living on this planet. I should like to take this opportunity to congratulate the super Powers again on their exceptional scientific achievements in outer space. The soft landing on the moon has opened up new vistas for man's communion with the celestial bodies. 131. It is a matter of deep regret that, even six years after the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, certain colonial Powers, particularly Portugal and South Africa, have refused to recognize the right of colonial peoples to independence and sovereignty. They are continuing their repressive policy of exploiting the colonial peoples to their maximum advantage and to the utter detriment of the hapless peoples groaning under the worst form of colonial domination. His Majesty's Government of Nepal has repeatedly declared in international forums, including this body, its opposition to colonialism in all its forms and manifestations. 132. I should like to take this opportunity to express the appreciation of His Majesty's Government of the work accomplished so far by the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The members of the Special Committee deserve our hearty congratulations on their hard work and fine achievements. The recommendations of the Special Committee made after a series of meetings during this year in Africa, and the reports of its Sub-Committee submitted after on-site study of the problems pertaining to certain colonial territories should receive our maximum attention. 133. My delegation is deeply distressed to note that Portugal and South Africa, the two remnants of colonial Powers, in their deliberate disregard of world public opinion expressed through the resolutions of the General Assembly, have been receiving generous blessings from their major trading partners. We, the people of Nepal, extend our whole-hearted support to the unrelenting struggle waged by the brave peoples of Angola, Mozambique and the so-called Portuguese Guinea against Portuguese colonial aggression. Portuguese colonialism and South African racialism are the twin pillars of the relics of imperialism. Those two colonial Powers have unfortunately failed to realize how weak the foundations of these twin pillars are before the surge of popular movement towards the achievement of independence, sovereignty and equality. 134. Nepal has always made common cause with the African brothers in their fight against racialism. Nepalese representatives to the Special Committee on the Policies of Apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa have been privileged to serve as Rapporteurs of that Committee. We have constantly maintained that the end of racialism in South Africa will contribute greatly to world peace; and the establishment of the rule of the majority in South Africa should receive universal encouragement and support. 135. The racial problem of South Africa could have been more easily solved had there been a possibility of dialogue between the States supporting the South African racial regime and those opposed to it. At its twentieth session, the General Assembly decided [resolution 2054 (XX)] to enlarge the Special Committee on the Policies of Apartheid of the Republic of South Africa. But regrettably, none of the major trading partners of South Africa expressed a willingness to serve on the Special Committee. This refusal on the part of some of the Member States to co-operate in implementing a resolution adopted by the General Assembly to the extent of joining a Special Committee of the General Assembly, indicates some inherent weakness in the Organization, 136. The illegal regime set up in Southern Rhodesia in defiance of the administering Power and with utter disregard of world opinion is a challenge to our Organization, In spite of the resolutions adopted by the United Nations, no serious attempts have been mads by the administering Power and other big countries to bring down the illegal regime. Lack of serious action on the part of the big Powers to end this regime and establish a democratic rule on the basis of one man, one vote in Southern Rhodesia does in fact lend basis to the suspicion as to whether the whole drama was not a shrewd bid to maintain white supremacy through colonial and racial exploitation in the whole southern part of Africa. 137. It is important that this Assembly should reiterate its declarations against the present illegal regime in Southern Rhodesia and for the establishment of a majority rule. The people of Nepal will support any move for assisting the people of Zimbabwe in the attainment of their national independence. 138. My delegation would also like to declare its opposition to the evil designs of the South African racist Government to extend the policy of apartheid to to the Territory of South West Africa and ultimately to annex the country. We extend our whole-hearted support to the people of South West Africa in their struggle for independence from the South African racist Government which, by accident of history, has temporarily been administering South West Africa in trust for the world community. 139. Many delegations have shown deep concern and disappointment over the recent decision of the International Court of Justice on South West Africa. While my delegation, because of its respect for the International Court of Justice and for the wisdom and discretion of the judges who are elected by the General Assembly itself, would not wish to enter into dispute with the judgement of the Court, it would have welcomed a verdict by the International Court of Justice on the substance of the case, because such verdict would have greatly contributed to the growth of international law. 140. My delegation, as in previous years, strongly supports the cause of freedom and independence of the people of South West Africa and considers that the inalienable right of the South West African people to freedom and sovereignty should be restored through international action. Our fight against South Africa's intransigence over this issue remains unabated; we feel that the time has come to help the people of South West Africa by every means so that they may be able to throw off the yoke of South African colonialism and racialism. 141. The efforts to evolve an effective peace-keeping formula have not yet produced any tangible result. The major point of dispute in evolving the formulae rests squarely on the question of the nature of responsibility of the Security Council for the maintenance of international peace and security. May I, in this connexion, quote from the speech of the first President of the Security Council at the first meeting of the Council. "Our fellow Members of the United Nations have placed in our hands the primary, but not the sole responsibility, for the maintenance of international peace and security. They have given us authority to act on their behalf, and they will expect us to remember these principles at all times." 142. My delegation has no intention of entering into a dispute regarding the primary and exclusive responsibility of the Security Council for the maintenance of world peace and security. Our intention is to see that the United Nations becomes an effective instrument for peace. 143. Looking back into the experience of the United Nations in the field of peace-keeping operations, no one, I am sure, could deny the necessity of strengthening the peace-keeping capabilities of the Organization. Had it not been for the timely intervention of the United Nations, the conflicts in Gaza, Congo, Cyprus and Kashmir probably would have escalated into major wars. That many cease-fire lines are being watched by the United Nations observers is no mean achievement of the United Nations. 144. The deceleration in the rate of progress in the developing countries is a matter of primary concern and should be given the maximum attention. At the commencement of the United Nations Development Decade and again in the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the developed countries had, by and large, agreed to transfer 1 per cent of their gross national product for the development of the developing countries. But even in the sixth year of the Development Decade, regrettably, we find failure on the part of the developed countries to fulfil their promise, and consequently the modest growth target set for the Development Decade is far behind. There is little hope that this target can be achieved by the end of the Development Decade. The rich countries are growing richer, but the poorer countries are facing economic stagnation. We must devise ways and means to overcome the economic dilemma of this age. It is high time for the developed countries to respond by means of specific proposals to help the developing countries raise their living standard and attain the minimum growth target. 145. Nepal as a developing country has realized that self-reliance and self-improvement are more important than foreign aid, although in the initial stages of development no developing country could progress without co-operation from others. It is against this background that my delegation suggests that an important point to which this Assembly should devote its serious attention is the acceleration of its efforts towards the promotion of economic co-operation among all Member States. Since the beginning of the Development Decade, developments have taken place in the field of economic co-operation of which the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development held in Geneva in 1965 was probably the most significant. The recommendations of the Conference were a result of a great deal of compromise. The basic problem of the rate of price rise of industrial goods far out-stripping that of primary goods does not seem to be nearing solution in spite of that Conference. 146. Nepal, being mainly an exporter of primary commodities, is vitally interested in ensuring that the prices of these commodities do maintain a kind of economic relationship with those of industrial goods, Nepal's programme of industrialization is determined basically by a desire to raise the living standard of the people and is, therefore, consumer-oriented. Nevertheless, on account of our great difficulties in transportation, it is not always possible for the new industrial goods produced and being produced in Nepal to reach the people. Nepal, like other developing countries, has found it difficult to compete with the goods of more Industrialized countries in the neighbourhood, in the first place, because the cost of production in Nepal at the initial stage of our industrialization tends to be high and, secondly, because the country is handicapped by being landlocked. In these circumstances, we have been compelled to assess the value of the recommendations of the Trade and Development Conference not only in the light of what they mean to the developing countries in relation to the developed nations in matters of trade and development, but also in the light of what they mean to Nepal itself in relation to the more developed countries of the region. 147. We feel that it is high time for progress in this field to be reviewed by the General Assembly, bearing in mind the difficulties of countries like Nepal, and a more purposeful approach made to define economic relations, not only between the developed and developing countries, but also among developing countries themselves at various stages of development. In this respect, we hope that the second Conference on Trade and Development to be held next year will prove to be more fruitful than the first. 148. Nepal being an agricultural country, we have reasonably felt that without bringing institutional change in agriculture and freeing the peasants from economic bondage, the goal of self-reliant economy cannot be achieved. Under the leadership of King Mahendra, Nepal has launched a vigorous land reform programme and has achieved great success in this regard. We are happy that this land reform programme is being carried out in our country at the same time that the United Nations has considered it desirable to convene the World Land Reform Conference as one of the essential steps for the economic progress of the developing countries. While in many countries, land reforms have been achieved with too much bloodshed and human sacrifice, in Nepal, a silent revolution of land reforms is taking place without entailing In its wake social or political upheaval. 149. As I said earlier, Nepal believes In peaceful coexistence among States and consequently follows a policy of non-alignment. Ours is a policy of positive neutrality. We express our views on International affairs without fear or favour from any quarter. Nepal has been able to cultivate friendship with all nations of the world having different shades of economic and political systems. We sincerely believe that a small country can live in peace and harmony with big countries, although they may be ideologically far apart. That is why we have put our absolute faith in the principles of peaceful coexistence and in the United Nations, as we have always regarded the world Organization not only as an instrument of peace but also as the protector of the rights of small countries and the moral conscience of mankind.