1. The Liberian delegation notes with much satisfaction the recently declared independence of Botswana and Lesotho, formerly the colonial territories of Bechuanaland and Basutoland, which we hope will soon become Members of the United Nations. My delegation is also happy that Indonesia, one of the most populous countries in Asia, has resumed its activities in the United Nations after a brief absence. All this should contribute to the progress, albeit slow, being made toward the eventual universality of our Organization.
2. The twenty-first session of the General Assembly meets at a time of increased political tension and in an atmosphere tinged with anxiety. Many times before we have expressed apprehensions about unsolved problems in Asia which trouble us because of the prospects for peace; and about the deteriorating situation in the southern part of Africa, especially in view of its racial overtones, which has caused disenchantment and bewilderment. These unresolved problems threaten the future of this Organization and are a growing menace to the peace of the world and the very survival of mankind.
3. Added to these problems is the fact that our very efficient, able and dedicated Secretary-General, U Thant, who has so faithfully and loyally served the Organization over the last five years and worked earnestly, ceaselessly and untiringly for the cause of world peace, has decided not to offer himself for another term. When one considers the circumstances under which he became Secretary-General and the zeal and devotion with which he has attended to his multifarious duties, we cannot but compliment ourselves on the choice that was made. Because we view his term of office with great satisfaction and pride, my delegation salutes U Thant and hopes that he can be persuaded to accept another term so that his accumulated experience, skill, ability and tact can continue to be brought to bear on the vital and important issues.
4. When the Secretary-General declared that he would leave the Security Council unfettered in its recommendation on the choice of his successor, he expressed grave concern about the lack of universality in the Organization, the war in Viet-Nam, and the financial situation of the United Nations resulting from the lack of agreement on the financing of future peace-keeping operations [see A/6400]. He has also raised questions about the effectiveness of the Secretary-General’s role if his functions are to be as limited as they are now. As all delegations have more or less expressed their desire to see U Thant remain as Secretary-General, I should like to emphasize here and now that, in my opinion, it is not enough merely to implore and entreat him to accept another term. The Liberian delegation believes that the comments made by U Thant, which may have influenced his decision, should be inquired into by the Assembly. Let us seek to resolve and remove the causes of his reluctance; for, unless we do this, whether he remains as Secretary-General or another replaces him, we shall be confronted with the same obstacles which have retarded the growth and effectiveness of the Organization and which will continue to do so, if our only effort to remove them remains in the realm of speeches and oratory.
5. Much depends on the success and future of the United Nations. International peace and security depend on it. The whole future of the human race may well depend on it. The United Nations may be the Organization on which humanity’s hope for survival hinges. If it fails, then all of us have failed. Let not national honour or integrity stand in the way of the salvation of mankind.
6. Unfortunately, it does not appear to us that any significant advance has been made on the perennial problem of disarmament since our last session. Discussions in the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament have not indicated any substantial change in the positions of the principal Powers on the main issues. France is still not participating in the work of this Committee. Atmospheric nuclear tests by the People’s Republic of China and France have continued, Underground nuclear tests not at present covered by the test ban treaty are continuing. It has not been possible to make any progress in concluding an agreement on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.
7. We have to realize that the tremendous arms build-up has not brought about the realization of the security we seek. Instead, the devastating power being built up has increased the insecurity of all countries, including those with the most advanced weapons. Yet we continue to watch a profligate and wasteful dissipation of scarce resources which could go a long way towards improving the general condition of mankind.
8. In this connexion, my delegation favours the proposal made by the Secretary-General in the introduction to his annual report on the work of the Organization, in which he states:
. . that the time has come for an appropriate body of the United Nations to explore and weigh the impact and implications of all aspects of nuclear weapons, including problems of a military, political, economic and social nature relating to the manufacture, acquisition, deployment and development of these weapons and their possible use. To know the true nature of the danger we face may be a most important first step towards averting it." [See A/6301/Add.1, p. 4.]
Although scientific knowledge has enabled man to increase the destructiveness of the new weapons he has invented, it has not yet permitted him to bring them wisely under international control. Our ultimate interests require that we redouble our efforts to achieve disarmament and arms control.
9. There is, then, every reason for frustration. Nevertheless, we have to use our every effort and bring our greatest weight to bear on the evolution of satisfactory machinery, as envisaged by the barter of the United Nations, by which peaceful solutions to international disputes can be found. This is the raison d’être of this Organization.
10. Closely connected with the problem of disarmament and the insecurity it generates is that of divided countries. It is unfortunate that such divisions, which were intended to be temporary, should now appear to take on all the elements of permanence because they have been so aggravated by ideological considerations.
11. Among other issues causing the greatest concern in the world today, along with Rhodesia, South West Africa, and indeed the whole question of race relations as well as independence in the southern part of Africa, is that of Viet-Nam. There, a war is raging with the loss of many lives. It has seeds which could result in an escalation dangerous to world peace. My delegation hopes some way can be found either in or outside the United Nations to get the parties to this conflict to the negotiating table so that, on the basis of the 1954 Geneva Agreements, an attempt can be made toward finding a peaceful solution, since this is the aim all the parties profess they desire.
12. Recent events in many other divided countries have shown the folly of believing that ideological identity of views is a sufficient guarantee of security for which some countries rightly yearn. People have to be left free to exercise their inherent right of self-determination and thereby select the kind of government they wish. Friendship on this basis may develop into something solid and lasting. It would not be built on shifting sands.
13. We note with satisfaction that the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space is pursuing its objectives and that its Working Group proposed, at its second session in September 1466, that a conference should be held in 1467, with the aims of examining the practical benefits to be derived from space research and exploration, as well as the extent to which non-space Powers, especially among the developing countries, might enjoy these benefits, and of examining the opportunities of non-space Powers to co-operate in space activities. We have a mutual interest in issuing that outer space is used not for military purposes but for peaceful ends and in seeking co-operation in this field for man's benefit rather than for his destruction.
14. The more countries achieve independence, the more we see that self-determination as an inherent right of all peoples is being pursued with some success. Nevertheless, there are pockets of entrenched resistance based on the self-interest of a few die-hards who believe that they can turn back the clock of progress to the dark ages. Such blindness is pathetic and would merely evoke pity were it not that this situation is fraught with dangers not only for those who hold such erroneous ideas to the extent of being fanatics, but also for those who are tolerant and believe in progress and peaceful change. 'These reactionaries propagate racial hatred, incite race conflicts and thereby endanger world peace.
15. The matter of African territories under Portuguese administration was once again brought before the Security Council last October and November. The Security Council, in its resolution 218 (1465), affirmed that the situation resulting from the policies of Portugal both as regards the African population of its colonies and the neighbouring States seriously disturbed international peace and security, called upon Portugal to give immediate effect to the principle of self-determination and among other things requested all States:
. . to refrain forthwith from offering the Portuguese Government any assistance which would enable it to continue its repression of the people of the Territories under its administration, and take all the necessary measures to prevent the sale and supply of arms and military equipment to the Portuguese Government for this purpose, including the sale and shipment of equipment and materials for the manufacture and maintenance of arms and ammunition to be used in the Territories under Portuguese administration."
It is very ironic that Portugal still shows its obstinacy by refusing to adhere to the resolutions of both the Security Council and the General Assembly, thereby failing to fulfil its obligations under the Charter. It is indeed rash for it to think that it can hold on indefinitely to these Territories. This is impossible, and time is not on Portugal’s side.
16. Rhodesia has become a serious problem. This matter has been before the United Nations for the past few years. In the general debate last year [ 1353rd meeting], I pointed out that, by stating in advance that the United Kingdom would not act militarily if the Ian Smith regime unilaterally declared its independence, the United Kingdom Government had acted in such a way as to give the rebels the free hand they needed in offering exactly what it had itself termed “defiance and rebellion". The Assembly will recall that immediately after the unilateral declaration of independence on 11 November 1465, the Ihiited Kingdom called for a meeting of the Security Council to condemn that unilateral declaration of independence and to ask other countries to refrain from recognizing the illegal regime. Subsequently, on 4 April 1966, an emergency meeting of the Security Council was called, and it declared, by its resolution 221 (1966), that the situation constituted a “threat to the peace”; it authorized the United Kingdom to prevent by the use of force if necessary the arrival at Beira of vessels reasonably believed to be carrying oil destined for Rhodesia and called on Portugal not to receive at Beira oil for Rhodesia and not to permit oil to be pumped through the Beira pipeline.
17. In order to make an objective evaluation of the action proposed by Britain and reluctantly accepted by the Security Council, one must ask why no action against South Africa was urged by Britain, especially since it is widely known that oil was being shipped quietly in large quantities through that country to Rhodesia and financial aid is being given sub rosa by South Africa to Rhodesia.
18. Quite recently, upon decisions of members of the Commonwealth, the United Kingdom has indicated that, if some solution is not found to the problem about the end of 1966, the United Kingdom will seek mandatory sanctions from the United Nations.
19. Eleven months have elapsed since the unilateral declaration of independence was declared, and there have been no positive developments despite all the assurances of the United Kingdom. I believe we have to weigh that Government’s optimism about a solution of this crisis with the statement of its Prime Minister at Lagos last January that the measures his Government had taken “might well bring the rebellion to an end within a matter of weeks rather than months”.
20. Thus, the President of Liberia, speaking to the Liberian people on 20 July 1466 declared:
“In this connexion, I cannot emphasize too strongly the very grave responsibility which the United Kingdom has in the unfortunate situation that has developed in Rhodesia. A crisis involving confidence has been created among all African States as a result of what is considered an attitude of irresoluteness in this all-important matter, which can lead to unfortunate consequences. The fundamental rights of 4 million Africans should not be sacrificed for about a quarter of a million Whites by policies which appear to be wavering and half-hearted. The cause of justice will prevail in the long-run because it is right.”
This matter of Rhodesia is indeed serious. Once more the interests of 4 million Africans are being systematically flouted and the inherent right of all men to be free denied. What makes it worse is that the United Nations is being used in a way which makes it appear as an accomplice. This is indeed shameful, firm action is necessary on the basis of the unanimous declaration already made by the Security Council that the situation with regard to Rhodesia is a threat to peace. Article 41 of the Charter provides in such cases for the application of measures not involving the use of armed force, and, if these are inadequate, then action under Article 42 becomes not merely permissive but absolutely necessary.
21. The invidious and abominable practice of apartheid is being vigorously pursued by the South African Government without any sign of change. This policy, which violates the aims and principles of the United Nations Charter by depriving the majority of South Africa’s population of fundamental rights, could surely cause a racial explosion unless a change is effected.
22. On 11 February 1966 there was a declaration establishing the centre of Cape Town as a white area. It is reported that this will uproot about 20,000 non-whites from an area where they have lived for centuries; and the removal of a quarter of a million Africans from homes in the Western Cape to a distant “Bantustan” is reported to have started.
23. Quite recently, the International Commission of Jurists alleged that the South African Government was removing hundreds of political opponents through discreet trials conducted in remote villages and that these trials were for the most part unreported and unnoticed.
24. It is, in my opinion, most lamentable and tragic, in what is considered the most enlightened century of man’s existence, that such a vile and nefarious practice, previously unheard of. should be winked at and that some should even find specious reasons for not permitting this Organization to take effective action to bring it to its deserved ignominious end. Speaking before this Assembly about a year ago, I said:
“Apartheid is not only morally repulsive. It is a clear and mounting threat to world peace and as such amply fulfils the requirements for the application of sanctions. The evidence is not lacking that the African population is being reluctantly but inevitably driven to adopt violence as a solution to its desperate plight in the face of repressive laws.
“If we are to fulfil in good faith our obligation solemnly assumed under the Charter to promote and encourage ‘respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion’, then we must act resolutely to prevent one Member nation from flouting its obligation and from acting in contemptuous defiance of all our decisions and recommendations.” [1353rd meeting, paras. 34-35.]
25. Although the matters of the African territories under Portuguese administration, Rhodesia, South West Africa and South Africa have been taken up separately, each one is an element of a single problem. In this connexion let me refer to an item from London which appeared in the Sunday News of 25 September 1966, reporting a “secret military alliance linking Rhodesia, South Africa and Portugal”. Thus it requires joint action to settle these problems. They can no longer be taken as separate problems.
26. At the twentieth session it was noted that the territories of Fernando Poo and Rio Muni had been merged and named Equatorial Guinea, and the administering Power Spain was requested to set the earliest possible date for independence after consultations with the people on the basis of universal suffrage under United Nations supervision. The Assembly also invited the Special Committee of Twenty-four to follow the progress of implementation and to report to it thereon at the current session. [See resolution 2067 (XX)]. My delegation is anxious to see this report and will examine it carefully.
27. It is gratifying to note that the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development as a permanent organ of the Assembly is practically a reality, as the annual report of the Secretary-General shows. We note with satisfaction that the Trade and Development Board’s main Committees have begun to function.
28. The economic situation of most developing countries unsatisfactory and improvement is negligible. Meanwhile, it is confirmed that there is a slowing-down of aid from rich countries to poor ones. The Secretary-General has pointed out in his report that, if the growth-rate target for developing countries in the United Nations Development Decade, which was set at 5 per cent, is to be attained, it will be necessary for loans to be granted on more liberal terms, and that intensified efforts by all nations will need to be made, as well as more realistic measures undertaken; otherwise this rate of growth is not likely to be achieved.
29. In addition, the findings of the group of experts appointed to consider international monetary issues in relation to trade and development show that, in indicating the need for a reform of the international monetary system, the experts were persuaded that such a reform should facilitate the adoption of trade and aid policies that would contribute to the solution of the problem of structural disequilibrium of developing countries; that the developing countries have a legitimate and pressing need for additional liquidity; and that they should participate in the decisions on monetary reform.
30. The Trade and Development Board has considered the Convention on Transit Trade of Land-locked States, as well as the recommendations made in two resolutions adopted in 1965 by the United Nations Conference of Plenipotentiaries on Transit Trade of Land-locked Countries. My detention considers the views expressed therein to be constructive in providing instruments for dealing with special trade problems of landlocked countries.
31. All these considerations indicate concern about the economic conditions in developing countries. The long-term interests of developed countries clearly demand that serious attention be given to the study of satisfactory solutions and the initiation of remedial policies which will enable developing countries to overcome the existing economic crisis and thereby provide a better life for their people. This is in the interest of world peace.
32.While there has been some readiness on the part of some developed countries to participate in development objects the developing countries, these projects have not always been designed to remove the existing bottlenecks in the economics of the developing countries. An accelerated flow of capital is not enough in itself. Capital must be given on a long-term basis with low rates of interest. At present,
loans from the developed countries is very expensive.
33. Several efforts are now being made in different areas for the promotion of regional and interregional trade. These are encouraging signs of progress towards increased world trade However, there are still many artificial harriers that tend to slow down this development. The developed countries could help to further these efforts by reducing or removing such barriers as high-tariff policies, high freight rates, policies and foreign-exchange restrictions.
34. Of course, it would not be fair to pin all the blame for the slowness of progress on the developed countries, since internal frustrations and conditions in some developing countries have caused instability, resulting in some of the sluggishness that is being experienced. To overcome this, we in the developing countries have to realize that, while we need external economic assistance, greater combined internal efforts by the people, coupled with a greater degree of realism, are essential in mastering those socio-economic and political problems whose solution can foster more rapid growth.
35. Liberia has always maintained that peace-keeping operations are an important function of the United Nations. The crisis in the Organization during the nineteenth session grew out of our inability to agree on satisfactory means of financing such operations. We therefore regret that, in spite of efforts made at both the nineteenth and twentieth sessions of the Assembly, not much progress has been made towards evolving a permanent solution to this very important problem. Peace-keeping contributes to the possibility of resolving conflicts and to the process of peaceful change, especially if the time gained by the mounting of such operations is used in finding a solution to the dispute that is the real issue.
36. This is an era where we have to strive for agreement, just as we need to work incessantly to find peaceful solutions to the many questions that generate tensions in so many parts of the world. This requires greater use of existing United Nations machinery. Many frustrations in the political field exist, but this should not discourage us. We should devote greater attention to the problems connected with human welfare, since one of the aims of the United Nations is “to achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion”.
37. In the period since the Organization was first established, modern technology and inventions have brought about much change. As change is one of the great constants of history, we should always review institutions of our creation and adapt them to change. 1 believe the aims and ideals of the United Nations are as genuine and good today as they were twenty-one years ago, but it is absolutely necessary that there be a profound change in our general attitudes towards the question of international peace. More especially, there needs to be a revolutionary change in our ideas on the role of force as a means of protecting our national interests and as an instrument of national policy. To attain this, we may even need to think more of the larger interests of a world community rather than of our own national interests. A careful examination of the alternative leads us to one thing: possible disaster.
38. I therefore urge that we pledge ourselves anew to the fulfilment of the ideals of our Organization; that we make more honest efforts to find the solutions that will strengthen our Organization; and that we rededicate ourselves to the cause and pursuit of peace. It is my hope that when historians write of the present session they will be able to say that some concrete steps were taken on the long and arduous road to peace.