120. Mr. President, I should like also on behalf of the Uganda delegation to express to you our congratulations on your election to the high office of President of this twenty-first General Assembly. I am confident that your well-known capabilities and profound wisdom will prove helpful and useful in our deliberation on the grave issues which are on the agenda.
121. I should also like to welcome to the membership of this Organization the sister State of Guyana, a State with which we have strong and happy links. Before the end of this session, Lesotho, Botswana and Barbados will be independent and I should like in anticipation to welcome them to full membership of this Organization.
122. All newly independent States are faced with the problem of consolidating their independence but in the case of Lesotho and Botswana, because of their geographical position, vis-h-vis the Republic of South Africa, the independence and sovereignty of those States will face the danger of political and economic domination by their powerful and hostile neighbour. It is the earnest hope of my delegation that this Organization will take appropriate steps to safeguard and guarantee the sovereignty and territorial integrity of those two countries and to ensure that South Africa does not annex those States after their independence.
123. We have said and we still repeat that Africa must be free and all non-independent States must be liberated. My statement this evening will dwell mainly on the problems that face the African continent. That is not to suggest that we are unmindful of other problems around the globe. We in Africa want peace and want to see in the world conditions where all human beings live in peace, in freedom and independence.
124. In my statement last year, I drew the attention of this Assembly to the problems that face Africa and the threat to freedom and peace in that continent. We appealed to everybody, including those in Rhodesia, not to take steps that were contrary to the cherished ideals of human rights. The situation over the last year has not been encouraging. The matter has gone from bad to worse in Rhodesia. In Southern Rhodesia a white racialist minority, in an attempt to entrench itself in power over the majority of that country, seized independence illegally last November. In spite of the opposition of, and sanctions which have been imposed by, most countries, the illegal regime is still in control.
125. The objective in Rhodesia is clear. The experience of the Commonwealth meeting in London early this month calls for a clear redefining of this objective. This objective is to enable all people in Rhodesia to achieve independence and to play an effective role in the affairs of that country. We have stated that this can be achieved only on the basis of majority rule. Because of the illegal declaration of independence, to achieve the objective calls for the concerted effort of all nations to help bring down the illegal regime in the shortest possible time so that the people of Rhodesia are enabled to achieve Independence on the accepted principle of majority rule,
126. The Uganda delegation welcomed the stand taken by the General Assembly not to recognize that regime. We have maintained that the most effective and the least expensive method to quell the rebellion is and must be the use of force. Uganda maintains that if Britain had promptly used force at the time of the rebellion, Smith and his supporters would have been toppled without too much loss of life or damage to the Rhodesian economy, and also in the shortest time possible. Instead, Britain hoped that voluntary economic sanctions would bring down the regime in a matter of weeks. That optimism was misplaced. Voluntary economic sanctions have failed to crush the regime. The countries most notorious in their non-observance of the resolutions of this Assembly have again ignored the unanimous call to stop trading with Rhodesia. South Africa, Portugal and, regrettably, even other States, have ignored the call for voluntary sanctions and have continued trading with Rhodesia.
127. Although we in Uganda and indeed in most of the nations that attended the Commonwealth Conference are still of the opinion that force is the surest method of ending the rebellion, we are prepared to support the method of economic sanctions. If that method is to have any effect and any chance of succeeding, we still believe that it must be by this Assembly agreeing to impose economic sanctions. Those sanctions, to have effect, must be not only mandatory but comprehensive. They should be imposed not only on exports, but also on all imports, including oil. In our recent meeting in London, Britain would not agree to the only possible way we consider could bring down the Smith regime. Britain does not support the idea of comprehensive mandatory sanctions. Because of its economic interest in South Africa, it is not willing to support the only possible effective solution. We consider that unfortunate.
128. Despite our conviction that the use of force, or, alternatively, comprehensive mandatory sanctions, is the best possible method of toppling that regime, Uganda is prepared to consider any realistic proposals put forward by Britain or any other State as items to be included on the list for mandatory sanctions. We should, however, like to emphasize the need for sacrifice on the part of all nations if we are to bring down the minority regime in Rhodesia. If sanctions were to exclude trade between South Africa and Rhodesia, especially as regards oil, then the whole exercise would be fruitless and futile since it would fail to close the biggest loophole.
129. Time is against us, and time is Smith's best friend. It is therefore important that the period within which sanctions will be effective should be specified. Otherwise some States may yield to the temptation of resuming trade with that illegal regime. The toppling of the regime would be meaningless if it did not result in the independence of Southern Rhodesia on the basis of the majority.
130. Uganda would be prepared to support as an interim measure the setting up of a provisional Government in Rhodesia immediately the illegal regime is toppled. That provisional Government should be broadly based and representative of all sections of Rhodesians, We should like to see the release of all political leaders who are now being detained by the illegal regime to enable them to organize their people and to participate in the provisional Government. The provisional Government should also be charged and empowered by the Administering Authority to control all machinery of government including police and the armed forces. Immediately the provisional Government has assumed authority in Rhodesia, Uganda would be happy, as a member of the Commonwealth, to be associated in any consultations leading to a constitutional conference prior to the granting of independence on a basis acceptable to the people of Rhodesia.
131. This issue of Rhodesia calls for serious consideration. We consider that a failure to solve this problem would be unfortunate. This Organization is dedicated to upholding human rights and human dignity. The United Nations must agree to the upholding of those cherished ideals in Rhodesia and South Africa. As this Organization Is based on a belief in the equality of man and on the right of all nations to self-determination, it has a duty to uphold those principles and to oppose regimes based on a belief in the superiority of race and on the perpetuation of the exploitation of groups of human beings by others. It is because of this that we appeal to the United Nations to realize that this problem is a moral challenge to the very existence of this Organization and to consider it as such.
132. Failure to solve the Rhodesian problem poses yet another danger. It poses the danger that the territories now controlled by Portugal may take the same line that Smith and his racialists have taken. It is conceivable that if there is no solution to the Rhodesian question both Mozambique and Angola could take similar steps and flout world opinion. That would make the whole problem of decolonization more complex. It would mean a prolongation of the endeavours of all peace-loving people to solve the question that is posed by the regimes in Southern Africa.
133. It is in the light of this that I now turn to the other problem, which is so closely related to the one 1 have been discussing — the question of South West Africa. I should like to express thanks on behalf of my delegation to the Governments of Ethiopia and Liberia and other members of the Organization of African Unity which gave financial support to enable the case of South West Africa to be considered by the International Court of Justice.
134. The Uganda delegation will speak later on this question. At the moment I should like to place it on record that my Government would support the revocation of the Mandate and call for direct administration by the United Nations and measures designed to revive and reassert the authority of the United Nations over South West Africa until its inhabitants are led to self-government and independence.
135. After considering the colonial manoeuvres of South Africa in South West Africa, my delegation is further disappointed to see that Portugal continues to defy the world and maintains its position that its colonies are an integral part of Portugal. Uganda, in accordance with the resolutions of the Security Council, the General Assembly and the Organization of African Unity, has severed all trade links and diplomatic relations with Portugal because of its colonial policy, and will continue to oppose Portugal, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 2107 (XX) of 21 December 1965, until it pays heed to the wind of change and grants independence to the oppressed people of the so-called Portuguese territories.
136. It is very disturbing that Portugal has been able to suppress the heroic struggle of the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea through the massive military support it has received from NATO. It has thus not only been able to kill and bomb defenceless people, including women and children, in its colonies, but also to launch attacks on peaceful neighbouring independent States. We shall not be satisfied with any palliative measures that fall short of ensuring that Portugal accepts its responsibility as an administering Power under Article 37 of the United Nations Charter and recognizes the inalienable right of the peoples in its colonies by granting self-determination and independence. We appeal to Portugal and its friends to review their stand and policies. We appeal to all peace-loving countries everywhere to bring pressure to bear on Portugal so that it agrees to guide these countries to self-government and independence, as has been the case with other administering Powers in other parts of the world.
137. Independent States in Africa have noted in recent months a definite pattern and development whereby outside Powers have sought to interfere in the internal affairs of States so as to control and influence their policies both in the political and in the economic fields. This interference is contrary to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of independent States and is a real threat to the continued existence and sovereignty of many countries in Africa. Many of our States have chosen the policy of non-alignment in an attempt to avoid getting involved in ideological struggles of the cold war. We should like to be left alone, free to determine our own destiny in accordance with our best lights. We should like to be free to co-operate with all friendly countries, irrespective of political ideologies.
138. I have spoken more on colonial issues, not because I do not regard other world problems as important, but because the decolonization of our continent is a primary duty for us in the Organization of African Unity and also because quite often it does not receive the same attention in the statements of other States. We also believe that the question posed in Southern Rhodesia, in South West Africa and in South Africa, apart from being a direct challenge to the principle on which the United Nations is based, is also a direct challenge to the very existence of independent States in that continent. These problems pose threats of perpetuating fascist regimes.
139. We have said that we shall be happy to see multiracial societies develop in Rhodesia, Mozambique and Angola and in South Africa. In Uganda and in our neighbouring States of Kenya, Tanzania and Zambia the experiment of multiracial societies has succeeded. We believe that if the people in Rhodesia, South Africa, Mozambique and Angola could forget about the arrogance of racial superiority and attempt the experiment of living together on an equal footing, these experiments would succeed. We consider that our continent can do a lot to prove not only that there is room for peaceful coexistence, but that, in Africa, people of different races, colours and creeds can play their part in developing the resources with which nature has endowed the African continent. Furthermore, we consider that if these problems are not given the attention they deserve they will pose a real danger to peace, not only on the continent of Africa, but also in the world.
140. Viet-Nam presents us with an example of a country that has not known peace for a long time. It presents us with the problem of cold-war and ideological conflicts. These conflicts have led to misery and loss of human lives. Statements have been made a number of times about the desirability of transferring the conflict from the battlefield to the negotiating table, but, because of the conditions demanded before a cease-fire could be effected, the war in Viet-Nam has not only continued but has also been intensified. Last year, my delegation appealed to all those in the conflict to cease hostilities and to come to the negotiating table. We appeal to them once again to stop fighting and to seek a peaceful conclusion of the conflict in accordance with the Geneva Agreements of 1954, We consider that this is a political question and that the best answer is to try to find a political solution rather than a military one. My delegation will be happy to support any genuine attempt from either side which will help to end the Viet-Nam war and which will give the people of Viet-Nam an opportunity to decide on the future of its country in accordance with its right to freedom, self-determination, independence and sovereignty.
141. The solution of the complex Viet-Nam problem is made even more difficult by the absence from this Assembly of some of the parties involved, especially the People's Republic of China. My country's stand has been stated before and remains unchanged. The lawful rights and membership of the People's Republic of China should be restored if the United Nations is to realize Its objective of universality. It is my delegation's hope that no more obstacles will be put in the way of the admission of the People's Republic of China, and that the Government of Peking will similarly not impose conditions which would make its admission difficult.
142. I should like to discuss briefly the problem of refugees. Uganda is faced with the problem of refugees from its neighbouring States of Rwanda, Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In spite of our slender resources, we have offered asylum to them on humanitarian grounds. We have tried to provide them with the bare necessities of life. The presence of large numbers of refugees on the borders of our country has been a source of friction with our neighbours. Quite often, in spite of our clear Government policy that no refugees will be allowed to use Uganda territory as a base for launching attacks on their country of origin, there have been instances where refugees' activities have resulted in misunderstandings with our neighbours. Our objective has been to give the refugees a choice of either settling permanently in Uganda or being repatriated to their country of origin when conditions are propitious for their return. In order to minimize friction, we have had to remove refugees from the borders and build camps for them further inland. While appreciating the help that the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has given, we feel that more could be done to help Uganda in tackling this world problem which has baffled countries with greater financial and human resources. We shall be discussing this matter in greater detail at other conferences dealing specifically with the problem.
143. My delegation would like to appeal to developed countries to honour their pledges made several times in the past at the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) to remove tariff barriers on trade in the interest of developing countries. If and when those pledges are translated Into action the present widening gap between the economies of developed and developing countries will stand a chance of being narrowed. In this respect we are appreciative of the role played by the United Nations through its Trade and Development Board to increase trade between developing and developed countries, particularly by its effort in export promotion.
144. We welcome a suggestion put forward by GATT that developing countries should negotiate tariff concessions among themselves with, a view to increasing their trade. It is the belief of my Government that tariff concessions, particularly on manufactured and semi- manufactured goods, would help tremendously in developing the trade of our countries and in increasing our chances of competing with the more developed countries.
145. In conclusion, I should like to express, on behalf of my delegation, our appreciation for the work that has been and is being done by the Secretary-General, U Thant. It is my sincere belief that the United Nations has an invaluable role to play in the present age and that the continued presence of U Thant as Secretary-General would be a blessing to the Organization. I should therefore like to repeat the appeal made by my President, together with other Heads of Government of the Commonwealth, to U Thant to reconsider his decision, so as to enable the Organization to retain his services.