84. Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure, at the outset of my statement, to extend to you the congratulations of the United Arab Republic and its delegation, as well as my personal congratulations, on your election to the Presidency of this twenty-first session of the General Assembly of the United Nations.
85. Mr. President, your great country of Afghanistan maintains with my country, the United Arab Republic, the strongest and closest bonds of friendship. Needless to say, our two nations share binding ties of spiritual and moral values solidly enshrined through the epochs of the struggle of our part of the world. With such brief reference, Mr. President, I deem it the right and privilege of the United Arab Republic to share with the other African and Asian countries in expressing pride in your election to this high office.
86. On the other hand, Mr. President, the delegation of the United Arab Republic subscribes without reservation to the general belief expressed by our fellow representatives who preceded me to this rostrum that the conduct of the affairs of the current session will be attended with great success. Surely this is a certainty, for you have gained for yourself a reputation as an excellent diplomat in handling the tedious work and complex problems of the United Nations, inside as well as outside its arena. Such confident handling attests to your great belief in this Organization and its high objectives.
87. It is also fitting at this juncture to pay a tribute to Mr. Amintore Fanfani, President of the twentieth session. Mr. Fanfani capably and wisely directed the activities of the last session of the General Assembly with a great dedication that brought about a suitable atmosphere for directing the course of its work into the proper channels.
88. The United Arab Republic feels exceedingly happy and satisfied in witnessing the new growth in the membership of this Organization. Such growth no doubt represents a landmark on the road to achieving the cardinal concept of the Organization’s universality. We feel an added measure of happiness when the newly presented countries have rid themselves of the yoke of colonialist rule. The United Arab Republic therefore welcomes the admission of Guyana to the United Nations. My Government, at the same time, wishes to extend its congratulations to Botswana, Lesotho, and Barbados on attaining their independence, and we look forward to seeing each and all of them play a significant role in this Organization.
89. My participation today in the general debate, coming relatively late, has afforded me the opportunity of studying the valuable remarks made by my colleagues who preceded me to this rostrum. It is no secret that a general feeling of pessimism overshadows the general debate, and that feeling reflects the present international situation. That being the case, it becomes more imperative to view problems factually and to pursue a realistic course of action. Furthermore, the need arises more imperatively for this Organization to define its position vis-a-vis all factors and forces that influence the present international situation. The more severe the conditions that surround us become, the more reason there is for us to tackle them. We must face up to these conditions without hesitation or wavering, without pessimism that would only breed despair, or over-optimism that could prove ill-founded.
90. Most of the problems that face the world today symbolize a desire by some Powers to spread and impose their influence over others solely for their own benefit and without regard to the interests of other countries. We can recall that with the advent of this Organization its membership did not exceed fifty countries. Today its membership has risen to 119, after so many countries have successfully rid themselves of the yoke of colonialism. Yet the paradox is that today we still find many countries engaged in a fierce struggle to secure their freedom from colonial domination.
91. It was the cherished hope that with the elimination of the traditional type of colonial rule from many parts of the world, an end would come to the policy of domination and suppression. Nevertheless, that policy has remained unchanged in its confrontation with the sweeping tides set in motion by those groping for the attainment of their aspirations and freedom. Colonial domination has assumed a variety of shapes and guises, seeking the same objectives and designs it pursued from its earliest beginnings. The objective remains political and military domination, and hence the continued usurpation of the freedom and wealth of the dominated nations. Some countries have gained their political independence, while, at the same time, their economic resources continue to be exploited by foreign Powers. Consequently, while these foreign Powers add to their own richer, the politically independent owners of such wealth remain backward and poverty-stricken. Another aspect of domination can be seen in the fact that while some countries have gained their independence, foreign bases nevertheless have been imposed upon them. This fact proves that a hegemony remains imposed over them, while, at the same time, the bases pose a threat to neighbouring countries. Moreover, we still witness the continuing application of other such practices, and incessant interference on a large scale in the internal affairs of already independent countries through the exercise of political and economic pressures, through intimidation, threats, and the incitement of fear or the use of force. Recourse to such practices reaches an exceedingly alarming dimension when use is made of the deployment of force to obtain certain objectives.
92. It is fitting in this respect to refer to the Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Belgrade in September 1961, and the Second Conference held at Cairo in October 1964, with a multitude of participants comprising not only those who had attended the first one, but also all the countries of Africa, most of the Asian countries and some Latin American countries that participated as observers. The express emphasis proclaimed in the resolutions taken at these conferences left no doubt that the maintenance of peace and the attainment of international co-operation necessitated the upholding of and respect for the principle of peaceful coexistence; non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries; adherence to and application of the principle of self-determination; abstention from the use of force; the abandomnent of policies of pressure in all its forms; and the elimination of foreign military bases, which threaten the peace and security of other countries. If we take a quick glance at the problems that surround us today, we cannot fail to agree that respect for and application of the above-mentioned principles - with honesty and good faith - is the only way that will lead to restoration of peace and the accomplishment of genuine and constructive international co-operation.
93. If we keep repeating such doctrines and ideas, together with the representatives of many other countries who believe in our views and seek their accomplishment, year after year, right from this rostrum, our only hope is that our representations may finally find an attentive ear. We also hope that wisdom, logic and constructive effort for the sake of the well-being of humanity at large, will in the end triumph and prevail.
94. It should be made clear that countries that have suffered for so long from colonization, despotism, persecution and exploitation, are fully aware that the reiteration of such principles and doctrines, and the incessant appeal for their adoption, requires at the same time a solemn resolve by these same nations to face up to and overcome the forces of evil and despotism. Such countries also realize that colonial Powers, exploiting Powers and racially discriminating Powers stand solidly together in full cooperation to assure their continued domination and their practices of exploitation. This being the case, there exists no doubt in the minds of the oppressed peoples that a long road of relentless struggle and strife lies ahead. They also feel tire necessity of solidarity in their struggle against domination and exploitation-evils that to this day it has not been possible to eliminate confidently hoping to attain peace based on justice.
95. The word “peace" has a close affinity to every human soul. It is no wonder therefore that this sound echoes in this hall every single day, and from the lips of everyone. True as that may be, we are none the less faced with a grave threat to world peace, as a result of the war raging in Viet-Nam. There is no doubt that the alarming extent to which the Viet-Namese war has spread is a natural result of the escalation of military operations, the incessant attacks and over-greater air raids over North Viet-Nam. The victims of such aggression are none other than the Viet-Namese people themselves. They have courageously and heroically fought since the Second World War for their liberation and independence. Today the same people are the victims of untold miseries and heavy loss of life among all the inhabitants. The irreparable destruction proceeds, sparing no installations, and even arable lands are not immune. Such a situation should not be passed over in silence by this world community, or be condoned by it.
96. The continuation of the military operation, and the escalation of its extent, constitute an alarming threat, offering the highest probability of its becoming more widespread. The dark shadows it has already cast envelop the international community, and have indeed added new complications which could jeopardize efforts being made to achieve world peace.
97. While we therefore call for the cessation of air raids over North Viet-Nam, without conditions or reservations, our motive derives from our belief that this is an essential step conducive to any progress towards the restoration of peace in Viet-Nam. We also believe that the right of self-determination lies with the people of Viet-Nam themselves, free from coercion or foreign interference. In order to accomplish such an objective, it becomes necessary to withdraw all foreign troops from Viet-Nam. Such views are consonant with the Geneva Agreements of 1954 and 1962. The road to peace in Viet-Nam, therefore, requires the execution and honouring of those Agreements, whose terms will also assure for the Viet-Namese people the attainment of their national aspirations: the building of their homeland in freedom, without foreign intervention.
98. We further believe that the securing of peace in Viet-Nam cannot be conclusive if full acknowledgement is not accorded to the existing reality of the National Front for the Liberation of South Viet-Nam as a liberation movement. This liberation organization is the main party to the existing conflict.
99. In this context, I wish to beg leave to express to the Secretary-General a deserved tribute for the numerous efforts and endeavours sincerely undertaken by him in the search for a solution to the Viet-Namese problem.
100. The United Arab Republic has examined with keen interest the Secretary-General’s statement issued on 1 September 1966 [A/6400]. We certainly believe that this statement expressed his honest and sincere opinion. We also, on the other hand, appreciate in the fullest sense his appraisal of the present international crisis, but nevertheless continue to cherish the hope that there may arise the circumstances that would enable him to continue his invaluable services to this international Organization.
101. Colonialism in the world today still constitutes a real threat to peace and security. It is indeed a flagrant challenge to the sublime values of human struggle for freedom and independence. It is also alarming to see such a consortium among the forces of colonialism, racism, and reaction centred in various parts of Africa and the Middle East aiming at imposing and maintaining their illegal presence, and seeking with the threat of military force to suppress legitimate national movements. These forces have made it clear that they will not obey, or abide by, or willingly agree to accept existing realities. As we are, unfortunately, compelled to face up to that connivance, the only course left open to us is that of open confrontation, sustained by our unwavering determination and augmented efforts to deter that international colonial consortium.
102. The illegal Governments in South Africa and Southern Rhodesia form a united front in support of Portuguese colonialism. Their basic objective is the extension of colonization and apartheid. They all concur in the practice of oppression and exploitation. Such a situation must, therefore, have our careful consideration, in view of the obvious facts. Our approach with regard to this evil alliance should be guided by the awareness of our collective international duties, obligations and responsibilities.
103. It is indeed regrettable to see that since the illegal regime in Southern Rhodesia declared its unilateral independence, the British Government has seen fit to follow a policy of procrastination aiming at gaining time, with the main objective of foiling the honourable struggle of the Southern Rhodesians against that regime.
104. Faced with this situation, we at this session of the General Assembly have the grave responsibility of ensuring respect for and implementation of our resolutions on Rhodesia. We owe the fulfilment of this duty to the great, struggling people of Zimbabwe, to the principles of freedom and self-determination, and indeed to the very values inherent in the United Nations.
105. The colonial regime in Rhodesia is but one expression of the colonialism widespread throughout Africa. The overt defiance of the colonialists, and of the apartheid regimes in South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, as well as of the Portuguese colonies, renders meaningless the guiding axioms of our morality and, no less, of our civilization. This deplorable situation, clear to all of us, gathers dangerous momentum as the result of the pursuit of the policy of conciliation followed by some great Powers in their dealings with the illegal and unrepresentative authorities in such territories. We realize, with full clarity and absolute frankness, that the refusal of some great Powers to participate in collective international efforts to unseat the illegal Governments in South Africa, Southern Rhodesia, Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea, is tantamount to lending support to the forces of racial discrimination and colonialism in Africa.
106. I should like, at this juncture, to refer to the present episode of struggle by the people of South West Africa against colonialism and the illegal rule imposed upon them by the apartheid-ridden policies of the Government of South Africa. We feel more than certain that the negative position recently adopted by the International Court of Justice will not in the slightest sense affect the struggle of the African people of South West Africa in their relentless effort to regain the sovereignty and independence of their country. The General Assembly, until it discharges it effectively and positively, will continue to bear the responsibility of enabling the people of South West Africa to secure their freedom and independence,
107. The alliance that exists today between the forces of colonialism and racism and which operates openly in broad daylight, is no different from the alliance that afflicts the people of Palestine in our part of the world. The methods and practices employed by the colonizers in both South Africa and Rhodesia-the infiltration and smuggling in of foreigners and the assuring of their safety and well-being- are at the expense of the indigenous population. It is these methods that have been applied also, to the minutest detail, against the Arab people of Palestine. In both instances the colonial Powers and racists undertook the training and arming, with every device of aggression, of the alien infiltrators. This was intended for no other purpose than to deny the original inhabitants and rightful owners of the country their sovereign rights in their own homeland and to keep them from access to its sources of wealth, is a parallel to the United Kingdom’s act of treachery in abandoning its responsibility as the mandatory Power in South West Africa, the same treachery was committed against the people of Palestine. They, too, were subjected to the aggression of colonial and racist warmongers. In both cases the United Kingdom played the main role in the drama. The struggle and strife that the people of the world are witnessing today is but a repetition of what happened, and of what continues to happen, to the people of Palestine. The struggle of the people of Palestine, under the leadership and direction of the Palestine Liberation Organization, is a noble effort worthy of the full support and endorsement of all peace-loving nations desirous of seeing peace established with justice. With this in mind, we call on all peace-loving nations to give their support to the Palestine Liberation Organization so that it may continue its struggle against colonialism.
108. British imperialism sees fit to refuse to use force against the illegal Government of Ian Smith in Southern Rhodesia, in glaring contrast to its constant exercise of intimidation and repression against the national leaders in Oman and other colonies in Southern Arabia, who are fighting heroically for independence and the right to self-determination. The United Kingdom Government is under a well-defined responsibility to the United Nations to carry out all United Nations resolutions pertaining to Aden in their entirety, with no conditions or reservations. The resolutions I refer to are no subject for compromise or negotiation. It is our conviction that a willing disposition on the part of the United Kingdom, in co-operation with the United Nations, to grant Aden and South Arabian Protectorates their right to self-determination, sincerely and in straightforward manner, will save this region from further turmoil and disturbance.
109. In this context, I should like to refer to the ceaseless acts of armed aggression committed by the United Kingdom against Oman. We may have reason to believe, now that the Oman problem has been referred to the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to
Colonial Countries and Peoples, that that Committee will assume its full authority and responsibility in dealing with that situation. The rule by a fabricated constitution and the legally vulnerable treaties and agreements are mere pretexts for the undesired presence of the United Kingdom in the Arabian Gulf. Such a situation can, to say the least, hardly be accepted by the United Nations.
110. The armament race, now exceeding all limits, poses grave threat to international peace and security. It is therefore a matter of urgent necessity to seek an agreement for general and complete disarmament under effective international control. This is indeed a pressing problem which faces the international community today. The United Arab Republic, for its part, cannot but express the hope that all countries will spare no effort toward accomplishing this desired objective. The United Arab Republic feels that the partial test-ban treaty should pr beyond its present limitations and include a ban on underground atomic tests. The United Arab Republic fully realizes the inescapable dangers that may accrue from the spread of nuclear armaments. We deem it necessary, therefore, to call for an agreement, within the shortest possible time, prohibiting the spread of nuclear weapons and using as guidelines the principles adopted by the United Nations General Assembly during its last session [see resolution 2028 (XX)]. These principles were based on the consideration of precluding even a remote possibility of the spread of nuclear weapons, whether transmitted by a nuclear Power to a non-nuclear Power, or through military alliances or any other means, and of maintaining an effective balance between the nuclear and non-nuclear Powers, defining the obligations and responsibilities of each.
111. The United Arab Republic views with high regard the ceaseless efforts undertaken by the United Nations towards co-ordinating international efforts for the use of outer space solely for peaceful purposes. Our appreciation derives from the sincere efforts already under way for framing an international treaty that would govern the exploration and use of outer space and its planets, such as the moon or other celestial bodies.
112. The universality of the United Nations has become an imperative fact nowadays. To accomplish such an objective, it is undoubtedly necessary therefore that the People’s Republic of China should regain its legitimate rights without further procrastination or debate. All Member nations of the United Nations present here during this session bear the responsibility to redress the present position, which contradicts all legalities as well as realities.
113. Raising the standard of living of the people of the developing countries continues to pose a problem and a challenge to the present generation. All the efforts geared for development and investment are the yardstick by which we can measure the extent of success or failure of individual or international collective efforts aimed at achieving human progress. The United Arab Republic has learned from its contemporary history and the trials and experiments it is going through that to achieve development and industrialization is the prime responsibility of the Government. We therefore realize with profound conviction that unless national efforts are harnessed for the exploitation of our national resources, foreign help cannot bring about the desired results.
114. With full awareness of such realities, and from realistic and fair observance of the facts, we have discovered that developing countries, generally speaking, have emerged from devastating and wearying circumstances with exhausted and undermined resources; yet they are faced with economic and administrative structures which must be adjusted in order to exploit their national resources. On the other hand, the developing countries, although they have attained political freedom, still find themselves today in the shadow of economic and financial difficulties, with little power at their command to effect any adjustment or change, as for example where the raw materials they produce - in many instances the main support of their national economy - are still under the control of an international monopoly. The high interest rates imposed on loans and facilities extended by the highly developed countries to the developing countries weigh heavily on the latter’s economy at a critical stage in their development. Many loud and resounding voices have been raised lately, pointing out the dangers of such burdensome and unfair practices. Since the first United Nations Conference on Trade and Development has already produced recommendations for overcoming such difficulties, we greatly hope that the second one will bring about the implementation of those recommendations.
115. There can be no doubt that the promotion of increased trade between the developing and the developed countries benefits both. The appeals by the developing countries to the developed ones to double their financial assistance indicate changes in their international trade policies and express a desire for a fair deal. It is certainly all the more welcome that such assistance should be free of conditions or political obligations.
116. I have tried to convey in my statement before this body a picture of the international situation as viewed by the United Arab Republic. There is indeed no doubt that the holding of such an open general discussion every year in this General Assembly affords a unique opportunity for the crystallization of the world situation and the intractable problems facing us. From these informative discussions we should, in an analytical and factual spirit, be able to formulate appraisals and define the courses of action open to us, so that we may be better endowed to face the problems confronting the world today.
117. We sincerely believe that the attainment of world peace requires that all nations and their leaders work with resolution and honesty to emancipate humanity from the shackles of colonialism and misery, to eliminate racial discrimination and its bigotry, to prevent the usurpation of others’ homelands and the uprooting of the indigenous owners; we must all work for the cessation of interference, coercion and suppression, and, last but not least, for the abolition of the use of force. We must strive for strengthened solidarity between the advanced and the developing countries for the sake of yet another great freedom-economic freedom-in order to elevate the standard of living of every human being.
118. International relations at their present stage impose obligations and responsibilities on great and small Powers alike. They are tied together by the intrinsic desire to safeguard their human heritage and to advance human progress. In this age of the conquest of the atom and outer space in which we now live, the principle of working in co-operation with one another represents a method without which we cannot solve human problems. Such a method, by its very nature, demands the goodwill and effective contributions of all Members of our international community.