90. As I have the honour to mount this rostrum today for the fifteenth year in succession in order to address this, the world's most representative gathering, I should like to follow a time-honoured tradition in trying to give an impression of how the problems of the international community present themselves to my country. Viewed from the Netherlands, it is to be noted that these problems would seem to increase in complexity in proportion to the widening of the circle of observation.
91. To begin with the smallest circle: there are no countries with which the Netherlands co-operates more closely than Belgium and Luxembourg, our partners in Benelux. Steadily the ties between these three countries grow stronger, steadily they succeed in overcoming obstacles of greater complexity and difficulty, and steadily their interdependence grows.
92. To give but one example, for the last three years Luxembourg has been a member of the Economic and Social Council. At the request of the Luxembourg Government, the delegations of Luxembourg in the Council have been composed of nationals of Luxembourg, Belgians and Dutchmen and headed by a representative of Luxembourg; depending upon the distribution of tasks, speakers from any one of these countries presented the views of the Luxembourg delegation without the nationality of the spokesman making the slightest difference.
93. In the next somewhat wider circle encompassing my country, the European Common Market, the cooperation between the Netherlands and its five partners has likewise yielded significant results in the past year. No one would at present deny that this market of 180 million people In a highly developed part of the world is rapidly developing into an economic unit of prime importance. The Common Market has certainly experienced some difficult crises, but thanks to persistent determination, decisions were reached at Brussels this summer completing the groundwork for full agricultural integration among the six Common Market countries, resulting in agricultural policies for the member countries henceforth determined and financed by the European Economic Community. I mention this development because, contrary to what is sometimes feared, it is contributing directly to the continued growth of world trade. The creation of a common agricultural policy has moreover fulfilled a prerequisite for the success of the "Kennedy Round" of negotiations, thus opening the way to the decision, world-wide in application and unprecedented in history, to halve tariffs in the industrial and agrarian sectors as from 1 June 1967. The active participation by the European Economic Community in the "Kennedy Round" in fact provides proof that the community is anxious to remove the concern of third-States, such as that expressed by my Mexican colleague earlier in this general debate [1418th meeting] when he voiced anxiety about the coming into existence of closed blocs resulting from the granting of preferences. Should these negotiations succeed, they may well mean a turning-point in world trade. Thus, the "Kennedy Round" constitutes an implementation of a vital article of the EEC Treaty [article 110] which reads:
"By establishing a customs union between themselves, Member States intend to contribute in conformity with the common interest to the harmonious development of world trade, the progressive abolition of restrictions on international exchanges and the lowering of tariff barriers."
94. The application of this article is by no means limited to the industrialized countries, as is proved by the agreements of association concluded by the Community since its creation in 1958 with, consecutively, Greece, Turkey, eighteen African countries and Madagascar, and recently with Nigeria. In addition, preliminary talks have been initiated with the East African Federation, composed of Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, and with two of the Maghreb countries, namely, Tunisia and Morocco. The EEC has also concluded trade agreements with some Middle Eastern countries, such as Iran, Israel and Lebanon. I believe I am justified in saying that these agreements bear out the determination of the Community to make a contribution of its own to the development of world trade and international prosperity, in full conformity with the principles of the United Nations.
95. If we draw the circle still wider and look at Europe as a whole, we notice that although differences in ideological and economic systems among the countries of Eastern and Western Europe persist, there is a definite tendency towards closer and more cordial contact. My Government welcomes this development and will actively further it.
96. Turning, however, to world-wide co-operation, prospects are least encouraging, while problems are most exacting. The introduction to the Secretary- General's annual report on the work of the Organization [A/6301/Add.1] bears eloquent and disconcerting witness to this. In passing, I should like to pay tribute to this forthright report and to its plain language. And In this connexion I wish to express my country's confidence in our Secretary-General, U Thant. In conformity with his own request, I shall not blow his trumpet, but merely limit myself to saying that my country would be happy if he were prepared to stay on.
97. The problems touched upon in the Secretary- General's report will require our dedicated attention, U Thant in his report has rightly given great attention to the problems of weapon control, non-proliferation of atomic weapons, and disarmament. These problems are so important and even a partial solution will be so beneficial to mankind that we should earnestly and energetically continue trying to reach agreement on them. When these matters come up in the First Committee, my delegation will take an active and constructive part in the discussions.
98. The process of decolonization is almost complete, yet its few remainders still provoke deep-seated emotions. The problems of apartheid, of South West Africa and of Southern Rhodesia have all assumed a more threatening and potentially more explosive character. The Netherlands delegation will actively cooperate in the search for solutions. I shall therefore limit myself at this stage to some basic comments.
99. From the very first when the problem of apartheid was placed on the agenda of the General Assembly, my Government has expressed its rejection of each and every form of racial discrimination, including the policy of apartheid. There has recently been an attempt to steer the course of law in seeking a solution for the problem of South West Africa. Hitherto this course has provided no solution. Let us try to see international law in its perspective and not overlook the fact that the body of international law is growing at an unprecedented rate. Even in this very session of the General Assembly committees will be working on the establishment of legal principles in such diverse fields as outer space, human rights, international trade, non-intervention, peaceful coexistence and co-operation and, last but not least, the very foundations of international law, that is, the law governing international treaties.
100. This general desire for declarations of principles and codification of international rules gives clear proof of a fundamental belief in the necessity of international law. Our present system of international justice is the outcome of a process started hardly a hundred years ago, a process which developed inevitably through the International Peace Conferences at The Hague in 1899 and 1907, and through the Permanent Court of International Justice to the present International Court of Justice. We should therefore never abandon the path of law, but keep in mind that great international issues are ripe for judicial decision only in as far as the political conditions are fulfilled. The law serves stability, and yet it cannot stand still. The ups-and-downs of international adjudication which follow inevitably from this inherent contradiction cannot affect the existence of a whole institution. But that institution should be developed and improved. I wonder whether, in the light of recent experiences, it might not be possible to revive an idea that in the past has often been discussed in my country. I refer to the possibility of amending the Charter in such a way that the United Nations, in the same way as States, may acquire locus standi before the Court. In this connexion, I also would avail myself of the present opportunity to announce that my country is prepared to make a significant contribution towards the establishment of new premises for the International Court of Justice at The Hague.
101. in the question of Southern Rhodesia, my Government continues to support the principle that a lawful and democratic regime, representative of the population as a whole, should be established. Unfortunately, no road to this end is yet in sight. We do hope that the United Kingdom, which still carries the responsibility for that territory, with the assistance of the United Nations will yet arrive at an acceptable solution. My country has loyally carried out the economic sanctions recommended by the United Nations and will continue to do so.
102. The war in Viet-Nam, although not formally on our agenda, will inevitably continue to dominate our minds and our discussions.
103. Before making a few remarks on the further prospects, I feel bound first of all to give expression to the deep feelings of compassion and human solidarity felt by the Dutch people for the people of the whole of Viet-Nam in their plight and their sufferings. The scale of the hostilities has been stepped up considerably during the past year and the danger of the conflict's developing into an even wider conflagration has increased proportionately. The Netherlands Government and Parliament have repeatedly voiced their concern at this development and their strong conviction that a peaceful solution by negotiation must be achieved before this situation gets beyond control. Many others have expressed similar views, sometimes coupled with specific proposals. However, to my mind, these proposals fall short in two respects.
104. One is that these exhortations are usually openly or implicitly addressed to the United States alone and ignore the fact that for more than a year now the United States has made several serious peace proposals — overtures which have all been spurned and turned down with contempt by the other side. To blame, openly or implicitly, the one party which has made all these proposals is not only one-sided but hardly conducive to the attainment of the professed aim — peace in Viet-Nam.
105. My second objection is that these proposals ask primarily, or even exclusively, for military de-escalation on the United States side, and not, or only in a second phase, from the side of North Viet- Nam. Such one-sided proposals fail to impress us. It is a well-established practice of totalitarian regimes to declare themselves prepared for negotiations provided the other side concedes in advance the main point at stake.
106. I do hope that the new proposals which Mr. Goldberg put forward from this rostrum a week ago will yet he seriously studied by the other side.
107. Public opinion is understandably inclined to pay most attention to those conflicts which remain unsolved by the United Nations. In order to set the record straight, let us not forget that in the past year the United Nations Security Council has scored a notable success by bringing about an end to warfare between India and Pakistan, and a withdrawal of their troops.
108. This leads me to the subject of peace-keeping operations. For a number of years now, world-wide co-operation in the United Nations on this subject has been thwarted by basic differences of opinion about the initiation and financing of United Nations peace-keeping operations. Under these circumstances, we heed not be surprised that the Special Committee on Peace-keeping Operations has been compelled to suspend its activities without having so far achieved
any tangible results. Indeed, at this time it would seem that ambitious schemes trying to lay down rigid rules for all cases would put too much stress on the still fragile structure of our world Organization and therefore might be harmful rather than beneficial. It is also gratifying to note that when a new, be it rather modest, peace operation was really needed, namely to supervise the cease-fire between India and Pakistan, the absence of rules did not prevent a positive decision.
109. With this twenty-first Assembly session, the United Nations comes of age. During these twenty- one years, the Organization and its specialized agencies have been allowed to grow virtually unchecked. The result is that sometimes its component organizations, agencies, commissions, missions, bureaux and other institutions have grown more or less independently, without strong and clear coordination. Every bush has to be pruned from time to time to become more healthy, and every machinery overhauled in order to remain at peak efficiency. The United Nations is no exception. For this reason, last year, while addressing the General Assembly [1348th meeting] I supported a suggestion by my French colleague, M. Couve de Murville, that a committee be established to examine the financial and organizational structure of the United Nations. The reports we have now received from the Committee of Fourteen as an outcome of the French initiative are extremely valuable. It is our firm hope that on the basis of these reports the Assembly will be able to reach agreement on ways in which the entire United Nations family can be integrated into a more coherent structure, perhaps in the face of some resistance by vested interests, no matter how respectable. A number of years ago, the establishment of five-year appraisals covering the activities of the entire group was an important step forward. Today, we should be able to go much further ahead and adapt even more the entire system of the United Nations to the needs of its Members. It would be of interest to obtain a complete survey of the number of United Nations agencies in countries or areas, and to find out how the structure of the network can be improved. In the same context, we could try to change our present policy of moving forward by small, tactical steps into an encompassing strategy for the future activities of the entire United Nations family.
110. Peace and prosperity are inseparable. Peacekeeping is a function of effective international cooperation, which in turn can be effective only if it makes a contribution to international prosperity,
I am gratified in this context to draw your attention to Her Majesty Queen Juliana's speech from the Throne at the opening of the Netherlands Parliament only ten days ago. This speech expresses the resolve of the Netherlands Government, notwithstanding the severe financial restrictions imposed upon our economy, further to increase Netherlands spending on development aid, which for 1967 consequently exceeds by 10 per cent this year's figure.
111. But all efforts at the national level will yield only limited results as long as there is no worldwide effort for the furthering of prosperity of the developing nations. We are all agreed that up to now the United Nations Development Decade has been disappointing. But there is nothing to prevent us from using its remaining three years to conceive a new infra-structure of co-operation between all participating agencies, and to draw up a master plan for the following ten years.
112. Certainly the prospect of world-wide co-operation is more promising now that Indonesia, with which my country maintains increasingly close relations, has once again joined the family of co-operating countries. The Netherlands wholeheartedly welcomes this decision.
113. In conclusion, let me state that my country will continue to bear its share in the common effort in furthering peace and prosperity. Given God's help and the best efforts of which this Assembly is capable, I trust that we shall succeed.