43. This Assembly is not a philosophical forum where we ask why baffling events occur or what reality is, but an institution made up of human beings who ought to pay attention to realities.
44. Our difficulties descend upon us as a torrent of confusion. We meet a universal puzzlement on all continents irrespective of beliefs, ideologies or alliances — an overwhelming confusion on national and international levels. Some old illusions may have perished but most of them persist. The lost beliefs have not been replaced by any new faith.
45. Something almost new has entered international affairs. Many past fears are now ugly realities, while no hopes have developed into anticipated beauty. These ugly realities are the deviations from law and morality, and they are world-wide. Every moment is fraught with imperilling uncertainties. Never before has man’s daily life been attended by so much fear. Man has never stood so frustrated by what threatens him. History has shown that no condition is more trying.
46. In this baffling position we are compelled to react in one way. We must withstand the winds of confusion and strive to overcome the difficulties tending to disrupt civility and morality. The only place to do this is in the United Nations. No one, so far, has been able to suggest a more effective alternative. What circumstances dictate now is a “new departure” in ways of thinking, policies and positions away from the old inconclusive ones.
47. Some statesmen and certain sectors of the world press have called the twenty-third session of the General Assembly a “gloom-ridden” gathering. They tell us of the frustration surrounding diplomats. But we know that such dissatisfaction is nothing compared to the despair all people throughout the world will feel if we allow this Assembly to be influenced by such an atmosphere.
48. The leadership in these circumstances has been entrusted to our President. Fortunately, the Presidency of the Assembly has gone to a representative of a continent where nations, while deeply attuned, are not participants in any of the disastrous involvements we see on every other continent. We hope that understanding of this significance will aid in the full co-operation of the membership with him so that he may successfully lead this Assembly. We further hope that he will be led personally by the spirit of the great people of Latin America in the fulfilment of his responsibilities.
49. As I extend our congratulations to the President on his election, I should like to express, on behalf of the delegation of Afghanistan, our appreciation of the accomplishments of His Excellency Mr. Manescu, President of the General Assembly at its twenty-second session, and pay a warm tribute to him for the statesmanship and wisdom with which he demonstrated the qualities of his leadership.
50. We wish to convey, through the President, our heartfelt congratulations to Swaziland on its admission to the United Nations as a sovereign Member of this Organization. We wish the people of this new State prosperity and success in the contribution they will make in the international sphere.
51. At each session of the General Assembly, one concern is more pressing than others. At this session it seems to be the breaking of the so-called détente and the renewal of the cold war. This, however, is no surprise to us. At the beginning of the last session I said:
“In many areas and on many levels the psychology of force has swept the minds of men and nations, and where once the virtues of peace were extolled today the efficacy of force is openly flaunted and even exalted.
"...
“... The cold war, we are told, is dead, but apparently its death has been somewhat exaggerated. To be sure, the cold war in the form of a nuclear confrontation and aggressive alliances, has greatly thawed, and this marks important progress.
But now we see a resurgence of rivalry in the more indirect forms of interventionism and in all manner of anti-Chartersophistry. We may appropriately ask: Has the cold war gone underground? Has it shifted from the big bombs to the small nations?
“If this is so, then the world faces a new type of power struggle, this one without even the moral justification of an ideological crusade”. [1560th meeting, paras. 18 and 31-32]
Therefore, let us not speak about new doubts, new concerns or new sources of trouble.
52. If we allow deviation from law and order to go unpunished in one place, we should not be surprised when it happens with impunity elsewhere. Only the simple-minded would cry out separately for the same thing. Henceforth we must think in terms of future consequences.
53. Next to the rising international tensions and difficulties of war and instability, the greatest source of concern is the trend toward degrading this Organization, most recently described as a “trend of growing disenchantment with the United Nations". We must pause here and ponder whether it is the faults or foibles of this Organization which are being criticized or if the remarks cut in a different direction and open up reasons which have not yet been presented visibly.
54. There are a few examples for us to follow in this search. Each of us in his association with the United Nations has sensed that countries which have planned to carry out their policies in the hope of securing in their own self-interest that which they thought would be of concern to mankind are the ones which have foreseen the reaction to these selfish ploys and then expressed some sort of “disenchantment” with this Organization. Likewise, whenever these countries have considered the United Nations useful in obtaining their desired purposes their attitude has been different.
55. Most of the so-called “disenchantment” with the Organization — and this may well be an indication of its internal strength—has come when some Powers have wrongly thought that they could take the United Nations for granted. This problem, therefore, should be seriously pondered, particularly by the small nations — as it is mainly their problem.
56. The smaller countries of the world, which comprise the majority, must register their dissatisfaction with the more-than-mythical zones of vital interest of the big Powers even if they are, unable to change the trend in the delimitation of those areas. The uncertainty and insecurity that this has caused and causes among small countries is very great, because it is clear that its true meaning is the subjugation of the powerless by the powerful. Even a beginner in the study of history can tell us that all the dangerous situations mankind has endured have emanated from the actions of those who have been more powerful.
57. We should give particular thought to the responsibilities of the great Powers in the relationship of coexistence, for it is in their hands that the ultimate fate of the world rests. Surely the Governments of these Powers owe mankind a duty wider than their obligations to their own countries’ immediate interests.
58. The need for coexistence should be acknowledged as a fact of survival, for today not even great Powers can act independently of others — for the greater the power the more complex and widespread must be the meshing and interlocking of interests in every sphere and in every area of the globe.
59. Surely coexistence must contain a sense of justice as much as a sense of enlightened self-interest. Our awareness that justice should be the prerogative of the weak nation as much as of the strong nation is a relatively recent phenomenon and still requires careful nurturing.
60. It is important that the principle of equality of nations should be implemented and that the right of self-determination be respected as a universal right of all nations not only for achieving and maintaining their political independence, but also for attaining their free development.
61. In this International Year for Human Rights, we are pledged to pay special attention to human rights. We had an opportunity to speak our mind earlier this year in Teheran, and I personally had the honour to be there. I stated at that Conference that: “Any example of discord or of hatred between man and man can be traced to one cause: a violation of the right of one by the other.” At the International Conference on Human Rights, held in Teheran from 22 April to 13 May 1968, we were not divided exactly into the “haves” and the “have-nots", as we are in other international gatherings. For in full realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms we are all “have-nots". We are all victims of deprivation.
62. Among so many blunders the most difficult to avoid, although it might sound totally startling, is the gross mistake we make when we forget that no single society exists where all individuals enjoy what they are entitled to enjoy. I emphasize: not a single society. The challenge is no longer to discover the intention of man or to define and declare his determination. His action in the direction of a new life in a new world must be assured.
63. Humanitarian work should not be subordinated to national reluctance to implement internationally acknowledged principles. We should call on all countries to strengthen the United Nations in this common humanitarian task in the interest of mankind.
64. Constitutions, declarations, conventions and covenants have been written. We should stop forgetting the fact that all these instruments are meant to lead nations to act; to wake up men and women to their duties; to weave up man’s intentions and aspirations into vigorous actions. Possibly because of this, and despite more than twenty years of toil, much work remains for us to do in widening the protection of human rights. We must remember that the United Nations has not succeeded even in adopting the measures which its own bodies had originally contemplated. Many a strong proposal has emerged years later as an old, weakened shadow of principles. Scant attention has been paid to the suggestions and recommendations of the non-governmental organizations and of devoted individuals. National tribunals have paid little heed to or, in some cases, ignored even the limited decisions of international institutions.
65. What is more important, therefore, is the implementation of the principles through full ratification of the instruments of human rights already adopted. And this is the minimum.
66. Allow me to repeat what I stated at the third plenary meeting of the Teheran Conference:
“... Suppose all countries in the world were to become politically free. Let us even conjure up a world in which all countries become not only free, but economically developed. In that world let us suppose that international co-operation were to reach a peak, and all wars, cold and hot, were to cease. But suppose that in that highly developed world the rights of the individual were not protected? What kind of world would this be? What would peace and wealth mean to the individual? It would be a world of prosperity perhaps, but without dignity, a world in which a man would remain a slave under the
false flag of freedom and independence. And it would be a very fragile peace indeed.”
67. The developing countries of the world expected that, with the initiation of the United Nations Development Decade, a new era of constructive co-operation would begin between the highly industrialized countries and those which, owing to historical reasons and geographical factors, are actually in the early stages of their economic growth. But, regrettably, in the present decade the high hopes placed in a global strategy of convergent measures have not been realized.
68. The disappointing results of the second Session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held in New Delhi in February and March 1968, emphasized the shortcomings of the existing system of international economic co-operation. Much to our dismay, that second Session, which was convened to implement into practical measures the aims of the first Session and was expected to become one of the highlights of the present decade, could not make a notable contribution in bridging the gap. The unwillingness to cope resolutely with the needs of the developing countries and the urgent problems of trade and development facing them was responsible for the limited achievements of that international gathering. The Conference in New Delhi could not embark on profitable negotiations and was soon handicapped by confronting interests. This confrontation, which was certainly contrary to the purposes of UNCTAD, harmed the less-developed countries, while the affluent society seemed determined to hold to its privileged position. As long as the developed countries do not adopt a fundamental, new approach to the problems of development, the economic situation of the developing countries will continue to fall apart.
69. In order to correct the present state of affairs, it is imperative that the rich countries should change their traditional attitude. The new international trade and economic structure must be based on justice and a better understanding among nations.
70. The Secretary-General has warned us of the staggering effects it will have on the future of our world if something is not done about malnutrition—and this is only one example. As one writer records:
“The most serious crime of our time was brought to light by the World Health Organization at the beginning of this year. This organization has recognized that today there are 300 million children whose brains are in danger of not reaching their full development due to the lack of ... essential nourishment.”
That one example should be sufficient.
71. Recently, Mr. Paul Hoffman spoke of “a rising tide of common sense" for the promotion of one of the fundamental objectives of the United Nations Charter, namely, “promoting social progress and better standards of life in larger freedoms”. But, evidently, inequality in all respects continues to increase. I do not wish to go into the details of this sphere of our work; I should like only to say that we should not forget what Pope Paul VI rightly stated, that "development is the new name for peace”.
72. In the first months of the current year a positive and important step was taken on the road to disarmament by the conclusion of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and its endorsement by the General Assembly. The Government of my country, in signing the Treaty, wanted to reaffirm its firm belief in the spirit and principle of this Treaty. However, in accepting it, the Government of Afghanistan did not intend to overlook the Treaty’s imperfections. We, with a majority of non-nuclear-weapon States, agreed that it was necessary to find ways and means of improving the present non-proliferation Treaty in order to render it universally acceptable.
73. Naturally, and rightly, the emphasis in disarmament talks should be put on eliminating nuclear armaments. But, while no one can deny the untold destruction which would result from the use of nuclear weapons, we must not forget that conventional weapons are enough to bring about unbearable suffering.
74. The arms race and the flow of arms is most alarming to us, as a small country. It is disturbing the balance of power in regions throughout the world and necessitates expenditures far beyond the means of all Governments. Resources stolen from high-priority economic and social needs are allocated to arms and to strengthening disproportionately municipal and police departments.
75. Our policies on all colonial issues, the standing problems of Africa and elsewhere, are well known and unchanged. They are firmly based on the aspirations of the peoples of that great continent, which have always had our support and sympathy. We firmly stand by them for the fulfilment of their legitimate demands and aspirations.
76. In Europe, we profoundly deplore what has happened in the East. Our regret naturally comes from our policy of friendship, based on principles of coexistence regardless of differences in political and economic systems, with all socialist countries. Our relationship has always been marked by constant co-operation and friendliness.
77. We listened carefully and with full understanding to the appeal made by the representative of Czechoslovakia in his statement of 4 October [1682nd meeting] to this Assembly. We share his hope that, through understanding, the situation will be normalized, with full respect for the aspirations of the people of Czechoslovakia, who have demonstrated the highest level of political wisdom — love for peace and dignity during the most trying moments which could occur in the life of any nation. We hope the peaceful efforts for the withdrawal of foreign troops will meet with success as soon as possible.
78. The situation in Europe and the great necessity for détente and peaceful coexistence in that continent are of great concern to us—not only because it is of world-wide importance but also because of the very close bonds of friendship we have with the European countries, Western and Eastern.
79. In the Middle East, the basic dilemma persists. At no time have we thought a political solution impossible. We have constantly endorsed that path. The cornerstone of settlement is, first, the withdrawal of the occupation forces from all Arab territories and then acceptance of the principle that all States have the right to be free from the threat of belligerency.
80. We attach the ultimate importance to the inadmissibility of occupation or acquisition, of territory by conquest. One could challenge anyone here or elsewhere to come to this rostrum and speak for its admissibility. I am sure that not a single country here or elsewhere could meet such a challenge. Nevertheless, this condition has been tolerated in the Middle East. This is the most deplorable example of what one could call the extreme degree to which the virtues of tolerance and patience could be tried in our time.
81. In this connexion, we support the resolutions of the General Assembly and Security Council. The possibility of settlement has remained remote only because those resolutions have not been implemented. We further support the efforts of Mr. Jarring and their continuation with a sense of urgency — I repeat, with a sense of urgency — and hope that the goals of the United Nations resolutions will be achieved through the efforts of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General.
82. Unlike many other questions, the Middle East question has been the direct responsibility of the United Nations. Israel, unlike many other countries, is the creation of this Organization. The rejection of the resolutions of the United Nations in such cases could be considered a rejection of one’s own raison d’être. We have been given the impression that the efforts of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on behalf of the United Nations will not be a complete failure. We hope it is true. We do not have the impression, however, that the situation will not grow worse. It is clear that another catastrophic war will follow if the business of a finished war remains unfinished.
83. We must not forget or abandon the refugees and similar victims of the war and we must, through the workings of the United Nations, bring our helpful attention to their rights and needs.
84. We deplore the situation in Viet-Nam, as we would any hot war. No situation has so continuously impaired international relations as has this tragic and pointless war. For twenty centuries the Viet-Namese people have been deprived of the opportunity of deciding their own fate, having been subjected to the interfering domination of Asian, European and American Powers. In this twentieth century, it should be demanded that the pestilence of 2,000 years be ended and the people of Viet-Nam be enabled to decide their own fate and determine their own future.
85. When the first direct contacts were made in Paris, all who believe in the solution of problems through negotiation were greatly relieved. As long as these negotiations continue, we shall not allow ourselves to be discouraged. In the meantime, no effort should be spared to ensure the success of the Paris talks.
86. Before the possibility of such talks was known we favoured all suggestions which might lead to direct contacts between the parties concerned, including the suggestion of the Secretary-General to halt the bombing of the North. We continue to favour such suggestions, if they will bring the restoration of peace on the basis of the Geneva Agreements. Let me add, with all humility and with full awareness of the complexities involved, that if the opportunity is once more lost, if lack of understanding results in the failure of the Paris talks, then the result will be more bloodshed and untold misery for the Viet-Namese people, consequently greater discord even on the restoration of such contacts and therefore increased tension in the world and a prolonged hot war. If we are in earnest in our desire to seize every available opportunity, we should take a further step with a new attitude while the preliminary talks are still going on.
87. I have taken it upon myself to speak on this issue and in the way that I will, with full awareness of all the complexities and the difficulties, as I said, and fully aware of how loosely the word “naive” has been used when somebody has come with a sincere proposal. Therefore, there should not be any mistake about that.
88. For reasons known to all of us, the United Nations, in the present circumstances, cannot exercise any authority in connexion with the war in Viet-Nam. However, if it is possible to deny the competence or disregard the recommendations of the Organization for any reason, in any situation, no one can deny the moral authority of the United Nations. Though it is true that no organization can take effective steps on a matter not on its agenda, particularly if all parties concerned are not members of that organization, it is equally true that a major problem of a hot war cannot be ignored by any individual nation or by any assembly of nations.
89. Though not on the agenda, the question of Viet-Nam has been mentioned in every statement made from this rostrum. On the strength of the moral authority of this assembly of nations — I repeat, of this assembly of nations; not this Assembly of the United Nations, but of this assembly of nations — an appeal can be directed to all those directly involved in the war to think of arranging a cease-fire and to escalate the scope of the negotiations.
90. On certain occasions a temporary cease-fire has been possible in the case of Viet-Nam. I repeat again: with full awareness of the practical difficulties and the complexities arising from the rigid positions, where a limited cease-fire is possible it should not be impossible to hope for an unlimited cease-fire while at least some form of talks are going on. It is not necessary that such an appeal should have the form of a resolution of the Assembly. And it is not difficult for this Assembly to find the appropriate form.
91. It is our hope that this suggestion will be considered in the diplomatic contacts at this session without any prejudice to any positions hitherto taken by the parties concerned or any suggestions made by Governments or statesmen anywhere, to be taken into consideration only as an expression of the conscience of the world to stop further bloodshed while negotiations are going on.
92. There are other serious situations of international concern affecting the people of the Asian continent. Some of them are old, some new; aside from the ones discussed before this United Nations, others have not yet been brought here. All of these are capable of causing immense disruption of stability and peace, so that the badly needed co-operation in international affairs in the area is severely hampered. The welfare of hundreds of millions of Asian people is involved in these insufferable tensions. We are deeply concerned about all of them and hope that a peaceful settlement of the disputes will be found in an amicable solution to the problems causing them.
93. On our own borders, the tensions between the people of Pakhtunistan and the Government of Pakistan have given birth to an alarming situation fraught with a dangerous future for the peace and security of that region. The fate of a population and territory which far exceeds that of Kashmir in both respects is involved in this dispute.
94. The people of Pakhtunistan were the only community oppressed by the British in that region of the world who fought for independence with all their tenacity of life against colonialism. Yet, ironically, they were the only people deprived of the right of self-determination there. Afghanistan firmly supports the demands of the people of Pakhtunistan. Regretfully, our efforts to persuade Pakistan to seek a peaceful settlement and a negotiated solution to the Pakhtunistan problem have failed.
95. We shall try to continue to hope that the Government of Pakistan will realize the gravity of this situation and deal with it in accordance with the accepted international standards for regulating such disputes, on the basis of the undeniable right of peoples and nations to self-determination — I repeat, the right of self-determination.
96. I am at the end of my statement. If I have not made reference to the many other meaningful items on the agenda of this session, it in no way indicates a lack of interest in those items. It is our expectation that we will have the opportunity to speak on these matters at a future time when they are again before us. But I should like to conclude by saying that in all discussions we continue to seek and to offer full co-operation with all the Members of this Assembly.