136. On this occasion, the fifth time I have had the honour of addressing the General Assembly on behalf of Venezuela, I am gratified to be doing so under the Presidency of Mr. Arenales.
137. As a Latin American country, we share the pride in being guided in these deliberations by the representative of the sister Republic of Guatemala, and we have the added satisfaction that that country is represented by its Foreign Minister, Mr. Arenales, who, on account of his personality, his activities and his virtues, has won the admiration and esteem of all of us who have had the privilege of knowing him. We are sure that he will preside with wisdom and ability over the General Assembly in its consideration of
the important items on its agenda. In the fulfilment of that mission, the President can count on the determined co-operation of the delegation of Venezuela.
138. My delegation also wishes to record its appreciation of the work of the President at our previous session, Mr. Corneliu Manescu of Romania, who, with calmness and skill, led the debates which took place during a particularly difficult period of the General Assembly.
139. On behalf of the Government of Venezuela, I am pleased once again to congratulate the Secretary General, U Thant, for his perseverance and efficient work and for his efforts in seeking solutions to the conflicts which threaten world peace.
140. The multifarious problems confronting mankind are grave and call for urgent solutions. Unfortunately, we cannot say that peace has definitely been ensured or that all countries are upholding the purposes and principles of this Organization. However, we can hope from experience that reason and the law will prevail and that Governments will base their conduct on the principles of coexistence and co-operation within the international community.
141. There does indeed exist an international order that cannot be ignored by those who threaten world peace. This conviction reigns in the conscience of all the representatives here, and the principles underlying it are fully valid both within and outside the Organization. We feel that most countries share Venezuela’s concern at the perpetration of acts which constitute a breach of international legal order and are serious threats to world peace. We are especially concerned over violations of the principle of non-intervention, the formulation and defence of which may be counted among the most notable advances of our times. That principle is the key to the whole system of international law; only if it is strictly observed can we expect a balance between nations and a true expression of the sovereign equality of all States. For this reason, the Venezuelan Government continues to be gravely concerned over the acts committed by troops of Eastern Europe against the Czechoslovak nation. Undoubtedly, they constitute a flagrant violation of the principles of non-aggression and of the self-determination of peoples, both of which are expressly set forth in the Charter of the United Nations, and of the principle of non-intervention formulated in resolution 2131(XX) and unanimously adopted by the General Assembly at its twentieth session on the initiative of the Soviet Union. The Venezuelan Government, a firm champion of the principle of non-intervention, peaceful coexistence among nations and the right of self-determination, once again condemns that action.
142. The Assembly will once again have to consider the Middle East question, which, far from approaching a solution, is yearly growing worse, thus constituting a constant threat to world peace. Venezuela, which has friendly relations with all the peoples of that region, reiterates its support of United Nations efforts to make real progress towards a permanent and lasting solution to the conflict.
143. We recall that the year 1968 was proclaimed the “International Year for Human Rights” by the General Assembly [resolution 1961 (XVIII)], and that Member States undertook to make further efforts to reaffirm the dignity, worth and freedom of man, in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. For this reason, it is particularly painful to the human conscience that the monstrous policy of racial discrimination continues to be
applied in South Africa, Namibia and Southern Rhodesia.
144. No reasonable man can accept any arguments, open or implied, which seek to justify the oppression of one group of men by another, or the separation of groups because of the colour of their skin. Venezuelans find such arguments especially absurd, because our nation is a product of three human groups: the indigenous Americans, the Europeans and the Africans. We have progressed beyond the peaceful coexistence of different racial communities; among us there is no concept of racial collectivity. As a motive to unite or separate Venezuelans, the colour of a person’s skin is for us of as little importance as the colour of the eyes or the hair.
145. The warnings of racists about the danger of the mixture of races or, as they call it, miscegenation, have been clearly refuted by the Venezuelans, who have practised such a policy since their independence, with such good results that I can state with pride that, regardless of our colour, we Venezuelans have no race.
146. Viet-Nam and the situation prevailing there continue to be a cause of concern to the entire world. The lack of progress in the Paris talks increases that concern. Today, we reiterate our hope that the countries involved in that situation may be able to resolve it in such a way as to bring peace, after so many years of conflict, to the war-torn territory of Viet-Nam.
147. With great satisfaction the Government and people of Venezuela have noted some progress in the process of decolonization which this Organization has inspired and encouraged; I refer to the independence of Swaziland and the imminent independence of Equatorial Guinea. We are pleased to send our greetings and cordial felicitations to the peoples of those territories and to their leaders for their unswerving dedication to the cause of independence. For them, just as for those who are still struggling to gain their freedom, we would note, with Renan, that “suffering together unites more closely than joy, and that sorrows are worth more than triumphs since they impose duties and require joint efforts”.
148. The activities of this Organization and the positive attitude now adopted by the administering Powers have done much to guide these peoples towards the exercise of the right of self-determination, thus enabling them to share with us the grave and increasingly complex responsibilities of the international community.
149. At the same time, however, it is regrettable to note those colonial situations which persist even now in obstinate defiance of the United Nations; such situations are the results of the intransigence of certain colonial Powers and their rejection of General Assembly and Security Council resolutions outlining specific and effective measures for the restoration of the inalienable rights of peoples under colonial domination. Apparently, these Powers persist in upholding colonial structures which are out of date and which are being sustained only by legal fictions and racial discrimination — concepts unacceptable to civilization whose basic tenets are founded on the ideal of peace and justice for all freedom-loving nations and the equality of men in shaping their common destiny.
150. Venezuela trusts whole-heartedly that the efforts to achieve the freedom and independence of all territories still subjected to colonialism will be intensified.
151. On humanitarian grounds, I must now refer to something which has disturbed international public opinion and causes us the deepest concern: the consequences of the struggle taking place in Nigeria. Let us hope that a feeling of human solidarity will prevail over political differences and put an end to the suffering of the innocent victims of the conflict.
152. While Venezuela’s prime concern, in political affairs, is respect for the sovereign equality of all States regardless of their military might or geographical position, it believes that, in economic affairs also, justice must govern international relations. It is just as wrong for the great Powers to abuse their military or political strength in their relations with weaker nations as it is for the industrialized nations to abuse their economic might in dictating conditions of trade with the developing countries.
153. The unwillingness of the developed countries to change the prevailing system and make it fairer, or even to halt the decline of the under-developed world, was revealed dramatically at the second session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development at New Delhi. Despite the joint action taken by the Group of Seventy-seven, most of the developed countries maintained their Opposition to all changes of any significance. The only really positive aspect of the New Delhi Conference was the demonstration of the common feeling and solidarity of the Third World. It was further proof that resolutions, recommendations and measures approved in international bodies are in themselves valueless unless they represent the will of those who have the power to carry them out.
154. Nor was the New Delhi Conference able to make any definite contribution towards the formulation of the global development strategy. Unless UNCTAD fulfils the important role allotted to it, the next United Nations Development Decade can hardly be expected to yield better results than the frankly unsatisfactory ones of the present Decade.
155. The reasons for the lack of success are clear. One of those which disturbs Venezuela most is the steady decline in the prices of our countries’ exports and the ever-growing restrictions on their access to world markets. Dr. Raul Leoni, President of the Republic of Venezuela, referring to the problems of international trade, said:
“The developing nations’ persistent campaign, at various meetings and conferences, has so far failed to produce a single significant result and the solemn declarations and formal promises have not been accompanied by the appropriate practical measures, or even by the required will, to translate them into reality. The repeated demands of the Latin American countries for measures to increase their commodity earnings appear today like an awful
nightmare”.
156. Furthermore, it is difficult for our countries to achieve, solely by means of their own resources, an adequate rate of development. Their low rate of capital formation must be boosted by an adequate flow of finance from abroad. It is therefore particularly disturbing to note that the volume of international assistance is tending to stagnate or even regress.
157. Another problem of increasing gravity is the ever-widening technological gap between the two groups of countries. Technological backwardness is at once both a cause and effect of economic and social backwardness. Modern technology cannot flourish where the people are poor and uneducated. Nevertheless, it is an essential requisite for the industrialization which would overcome ignorance and poverty. It is therefore urgent to create conditions for a transfer of technology to the countries of the Third World.
158. As long as we see no real change in this situation, or at least no real desire on the part of all countries for such a change, we cannot be optimistic about the prospects for the next Development Decade. We therefore feel that a more appropriate name; and one which would emphasize this need for effective collaboration between the developed and the developing countries, would be “Decade of Co-operation for Development”.
159. We nations of the Third World must continue in our united efforts to change the attitude of the developed countries. At the same time, we must take steps among ourselves to protect our interests by using all the means in our power to ensure that discussions and negotiations bear fruit. Venezuela, for its part, is playing an active role in initiatives designed to avoid any deterioration in the world market conditions for its main products.
160. By the same token, it is taking part in the efforts being made to achieve the integration of Latin America and hence a sound economic foundation for its industrialization and its participation, on competitive terms, in international trade. Our activities have not been limited to the Latin American Free Trade Association: within LAFTA, we have conducted talks on the possibilities of establishing closer sub-regional integration of the countries of the Andean Cordillera and, outside LAFTA, more recently, we have also been developing, through talks and agreements, our economic, social and cultural relations with neighbouring States of the Caribbean.
161. Furthermore, Venezuela feels that the development of nations cannot be measured only by indices of productivity. We must know how far national, regional and world development programmes are designed to bring about the actual betterment — material and spiritual — of man or of the masses. It is the task of the United Nations to ensure that present-day national and regional development plans contain programmes for education and training, health ad social security. The technology and awareness of past generations was such that they strove first to produce greater wealth and then to distribute it; the peoples of today, however, will brook no postponement of their legitimate sharing in the fruits of development. That is how we view our own national development, and we hope international development will follow the same course.
162. Venezuela believes in the United Nations, in its organs and specialized agencies, and, when it is called upon to fill positions in certain institutions, it does so, not for reasons of international prestige, but rather with a fervent desire to collaborate and give its firm support with a view to strengthening those institutions.
163. During the present year, the representative of my country, Dr. Manuel Pérez Guerrero, presided over the Economic and Social Council. This was a great honour for Venezuela, and we take this opportunity to thank the members of that body for the spirit of understanding which they showed during the meetings and which helped it to achieve positive results.
164. The time for noting and analysing the problems of economic and social development has now passed. We must now tackle and solve those problems; we must adopt practical and direct measures which will help the immense developing world to shake off the inertia which seems to be gripping it. The industrialized countries have a serious historic commitment towards that world in which poverty, sickness and ignorance still prevail.
165. That, Mr. President, was all that my delegation had wished to say at this time; however, the accusations made yesterday [1680th meeting] against my country by the representative of Guyana compel us to add a number of observations.
166. The representative of Guyana has himself recalled the existence of the 1966 Geneva Agreement between the United Kingdom and Guyana, on the one hand, and Venezuela, on the other, and has referred to the Mixed Commission established under that Agreement to consider all matters relating to the territorial dispute which exists between our countries. We may add that the Commission met last week for the tenth time at Georgetown. The Venezuelan delegation therefore feels that to bring up this matter in the United Nations is out of place, and our remarks are intended not to start a discussion on this topic, but to reject the unjustified accusations and put right the factual errors contained in the Guyanese statement.
167. In the first place, he has repeated the absurd allegation that Venezuela “occupied” Ankoko Island. To occupy that territory would have been impossible for the simple reason that it has always been in Venezuela’s possession, and that not even the legal farce which the representative of Guyana termed the “Arbitral Award” denied Venezuela’s sovereignty over Ankoko Island.
168. Secondly, he has accused Venezuela of intervention in Guyana’s internal affairs and specifically accused our country of attempting to subvert the indigenous community of the disputed territory. Those accusations are entirely false and groundless. Any sympathy which the islanders may feel for Venezuela is certainly none of our doing. They can hardly avoid comparing the progressive and integrated society of Venezuela with the policy of racial hostility which the British colonialists have deliberately and systematically fostered in Guyana, as in all other places where they have held sway.
169. Thirdly, he has accused Venezuela of excluding Guyana from the Organization of American States and from the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America. Suffice it to say, in reply, that the conditions of admission to both organizations were unanimously laid down by the Member States.
170. Fourthly, he has accused Venezuela of economic aggression. Venezuela has merely pointed out that, when the territory which was snatched from Venezuela by the United Kingdom regains its sovereignty, it will not recognize any foreign concessions which may have been granted in regard to it by Guyana. We must make such an affirmation in order to avoid giving powerful international economic consortia interested in the territory any grounds for future claims against Venezuela based on spurious titles obtained from the Government of Guyana.
171. Fifthly, he has chosen to construe as an act of aggression the Decree of 9 July 1968 on matters relating to Venezuelan territorial waters. This Decree merely reserves the rights of Venezuela over that portion of Venezuelan territorial waters held by Guyana. That country cannot accuse Venezuela of interfering with the unjust possession exercised by Guyana over Venezuelan territory.
172. The representative of Guyana has stated that the Venezuelan claim is groundless and a symptom of Venezuela’s “expansionism”. At the same time, he recalls the existence of the 1966 Geneva Agreement — accepted by Guyana — which establishes the parties’ obligation to seek satisfactory solutions for the practical settlement of the dispute. In pursuance of that Agreement, Venezuela, through peaceful means and in good faith, is continuing its attempt to settle this problem which has been inherited from British imperialism.
173. It is ironic and, above all, sad that Guyana, whose people suffered and continue to suffer so much from the consequences of the United Kingdom’s colonial practices, should come here today to defend, before the Assembly, the adoption of those same practices in order to steal from Venezuela.
174. The representative of Guyana says that Venezuela is claiming two-thirds of his country’s territory. That is false. It is the Government of Guyana which is clinging illegally to one-seventh of Venezuela territory — stolen from us by the United Kingdom which, at the time, in complicity with the then Government of the United States, sought to make that seizure final by means of a legal farce they called arbitration.
175. Finally, I turn to the accusations of expansionism and aggressive intention levelled at Venezuela by the representative of Guyana. Here, it may be observed that our record is unsullied, a fact to which we shall be proud to call upon our other neighbours to bear witness.
176. Such an indictment of a country which has an unbroken tradition of devotion to peace and respect for international law is so absurd that not even the Government of Guyana itself could believe it.