118. Mr. President, first allow me to congratulate you on behalf of the Yugoslav delegation, on your election to the highest office of our Assembly and to say that I am certain that this choice will ensure the success of our discussions at this difficult time. Your election is a tribute to your own qualities as a statesman and to the role of the Latin American countries, which are founder Members of our Organization.
119. I take this opportunity to greet the newest Member of our Organization, the Kingdom of Swaziland, and to extend our sincere congratulations to its people and Government.
120. I also wish to express my delegation’s gratitude to the outgoing President, Mr. Corneliu Manescu, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Socialist Republic of Romania, who successfully presided over the highly important work of the last session.
121. My delegation, like others, is compelled to note that the world situation is disquieting. We are still at the stage of formulating general intentions and initial measures, not only with respect to long-term problems, such as development and disarmament, but also as regards the very principles of international behaviour, so often proclaimed but still not practised. We are rightly concerned over the instability and conflicts in various regions, and the uncertainty about the future.
122. In the introduction to his annual report [A/7201/Add.1] the Secretary-General, U Thant, has clearly presented our basic dilemmas. I should like to stress that my delegation shares his anxiety with regard to the violation of the principles of the Charter through the use of settling international differences. The continuation of the war in Viet-Nam, the crisis in the Middle East and the recent events in Europe — the armed intervention in Czechoslovakia and the occupation of that country — are all seed-beds of conflict which jeopardize the very foundations of international order. Although the causes and protagonists of these crises are different, they all involve the intensive use of force and recourse to pressure and interference in the internal affairs of State, to the detriment especially of the small countries and of those which are economically and militarily weak. The independence and territorial integrity of such countries are being infringed with increasing frequency. The growing concentration of economic and military strength in the hands of the great Powers, and the ways in which that strength is being employed, lead, judging by all appearances, to the wider use of force in international relations.
123. The two dominant features of all international relations are, on the one hand, the role of the great Powers and, on the other, the aspiration of all peoples to exert on an equal footing, more active influence on international affairs.
124. The responsibilities of the great Powers are well known. There is no intention to underestimate their role, which is also recognized by the Charter; still less is there any question of attempting to marshal the small countries against them. For we must not only reckon with the reality of the world as it is - the result of past events taken as a whole — but we are also convinced that the great Powers and the other major industrial States are stabilizing factors essential for peace; their economic potential is necessary for the progress of all nations and of the world as a whole. We believe, however, that the great Powers cannot fulfil their role within the sole framework of the rivalry which exists between them, and that they must join all the other States in order to solve key problems in the interests of general progress.
125. There is no doubt that bilateral relations between the great Powers must be encouraged. Yet, the world cannot remain a world divided between East and West, a world of Super-Powers, a world which their quarrels would lead to the brink of war and their arrangements condemn to submission. The bloc structure, supposedly a basis for equilibrium and international peace, is itself going through a Crisis.
126. The main reason for this is that the majority of States, motivated not by considerations of prestige but by the need for progress, now propose to act more independently at the international level and for that the bloc framework which is a product of the cold war is too narrow.
127. Moreover, the policy of blocs not only has failed to eliminate conflict and instability but has also brought about a deterioration of. international relations and a state of insecurity for all countries including the States which are members of such alliances, within which the domination of the strongest tends to replace the relationship of allies.
128. Naturally this practice gives rise to theories which may differ as to reasons invoked and arguments but which have one thing in common: the division of the world into blocs is regarded as the permanent basis of all international relations and of world peace. Small States which do not belong to an alliance are even being told that they cannot survive without this or that bloc. What may heretofore have been a hidden motive is being openly advanced today as a doctrine which holds that in defence of the higher interests of a bloc, the dominant Power is entitled to intervene unilaterally in its “zone” in order to establish a state of affairs to its liking, particularly as regards the internal development of members of the bloc. This is actually a theory of limited sovereignty.
129. For many years and in different parts of the world, the principles of the Charter and accepted standards of conduct between sovereign States have been violated while it was argued that they were being observed. Have we now reached the point where Powers will openly reject the principles themselves?
130. So far as Yugoslavia, a socialist and non-aligned country, is concerned, we consider that no supposedly higher interests, no loyalty — ideological or otherwise — can take precedence over the independence of peoples, the sovereignty and integrity of States or be above the authority of their governments or the other lawful representatives which those peoples have chosen for themselves. We believe that the tutelage of any group, whether regional, ethnic or ideological, is unacceptable for sovereign States. it is the co-operation of independent nations, and not the co-existence of hegemonies, which alone can ensure a just peace.
131. We had thought, as had so many others, that Europe had left the cold war behind and was steering away from that division through a collaboration of all European countries which strengthened their independence and through a more active participation of each of them in European affairs. We had hoped too that the relaxation of tension would lead that continent to assume its full responsibilities towards the rest of the world, especially with regard to development. Recent events have demonstrated, however, that the spirit of division and domination still exists.
132. The future and the peace of Europe, as we have said repeatedly, can only be ensured with the participation on a footing of equality, of all European States. In saying this we do not cherish any illusion that the division into blocs can be surmounted overnight, but we hope to steer a course which would serve the interests of the peoples of Europe. We are aware that at the moment things are moving in the opposite direction, but we are determined, as are many others, to work with patience and persistence towards a relaxation of tension. However, this requires that all desire it and act in that spirit.
133. The events in Europe have only added to the areas of crisis already existing in other parts of the world. The negotiations and contacts on Viet-Nam have not yet created the conditions necessary for peace, and the war continues. The views of my Government regarding Viet-Nam are sufficiently well-known. an undertaking to halt completely the bombing of the territory of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam must speedily be given, if a political solution is desired that would secure the legitimate rights of the Vietnamese people, which has sacrificed so much for its freedom.
134. Practically no progress has been made in settling the Middle East crisis and the occupation of territories of the Arab States continues. The fact that the Arab countries have shown a spirit of co-operation in the search for a political solution based on the Security Council’s resolution of November 1967 [242(1967)] is of great importance. However, a clear declaration to the same effect on the part of Israel is still lacking. We consider that the resolution provides a basis for finding political solutions. Consequently we believe that the mission of Mr. Jarring should be extended; his impartiality and patient efforts are vital to the United Nations and to the parties to this dispute, and will be even more so when the final arrangements are being put into effect. We are convinced that it is in the best interests of the parties involved to emerge from the present situation, but we are equally convinced that this calls for new and urgent efforts on the part of all concerned, and in the first place, for the implementation of the Security Council’s resolution. In our opinion, this is the only way to eliminate the danger inherent in a prolongation of this crisis.
135. The situation in the whole southern part of the African continent continues to be disturbing as relations based on racist policies are further aggravated by colonialist stubbornness. We are faced with a state of affairs which seriously threatens the independence and freedom of the whole of Africa. The African countries taking part in the Algiers Conferences resolved to eliminate this danger but they need the understanding and support of all the Members of our Organization.
136. Although they appear to be isolated, the conflicts which are giving us cause for concern are manifestations of a single crisis of the international community. A further local conflict, coming on top of the existing conflicts, could set off a general conflagration. If we add to this the weight and complexity of economic development problems and also the disagreements concerning methods of solving them, we shall have the complete but sombre picture of today’s international relations. The precarious situation of the developing countries within the world economy is already critical and will constitute an even greater danger in the future. The very fact that there is a growing economic disequilibrium would, even if it were not accompanied by so many political pressures, call in question the independence of a great many countries and by the same token, endanger peace.
137. Respect for the independence of States and non-interference in their internal affairs are essential prerequisites for the maintenance of peace and for the stabilization of international relations. The efforts made by the principal nuclear Powers to reduce the risk of a conflict between them are essential, but not in themselves sufficient to ensure peace for all. So long as the methods of force and subjection of others are not banned from international life, world peace will always be in jeopardy.
138. As a result of recent developments, it has become even more obvious that small and medium-sized States can look for their security neither in the system of pacts nor in that of special unilateral guarantees, of which they would only be the passive object. Their security can not be based solely on a relaxation of tension between the blocs and even less on arrangements between them concerning non-interference in the other’s sphere of influence. Nor has the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373(XXII)], which my Government considers very important and which it has signed, provided a satisfactory answer to the problem of security; the same is true of the declaration of guarantee made by the nuclear Powers in the Security Council [1430th meeting]. The Conference of Non-Nuclear Weapon States did well to lay emphasis on the vital security problems of countries which do not possess nuclear weapons.
139. Security, like peace, is indivisible. The system of security which the world needs must not be focused exclusively on the danger of the use of nuclear weapons; it should make possible effective action to stop any war, wherever it may be and whatever the weapons used. An effective security system must ensure the protection of every people and be based on equal rights for all countries; it must, therefore, while preventing conflicts between the great Powers, guarantee the security of the other countries. True security can only be based on respect for the Charter and the principles of peaceful coexistence, and on joint efforts to start disarmament, which remains our essential goal.
140. Let me add here that the maintenance of peace is made even more difficult by the fact that the People’s Republic of China, whose importance in international relations is undeniable, is absent from our Organization.
141. Acting in accordance with the thinking I have just outlined, Yugoslavia is one of the countries which have chosen non-alignment, in the conviction that this policy represents their vital interests and, above all, serves the cause of their independence. In refusing to take part in undertakings which, they feel, lead to the continued partition of the world, and its domination by the major Powers, the non-aligned countries seek to remain free to participate in any joint international action to strengthen peace.
142. Yugoslavia bases its policy on respect for the sovereignty, the national independence and the right of each people to decide its own destiny. This policy is founded on the conviction that relaxation of tension, and stability, in international relations cannot be separated from respect for these rights. That is why the Government and public opinion of my country have protested against all infringements of the independence and freedom of peoples, wherever they may occur and whoever the perpetrators may be. The peoples of Yugoslavia have paid dearly for independence, which also means the right to follow one’s
own road of social and economic development. We cannot recognize the right of anyone to take decisions for us or to interfere in our internal affairs, on any pretext whatever.
143. At the same time I should like to stress that my country has for years engaged in international collaboration on a wide scale and stands ready to co-operate in the future with all States which respect its sovereignty and independence. We do not advocate either economic autarchy or political and social isolation. The frontiers of Yugoslavia are open to all, without taking advantage of the experience of other peoples in the economic field, the wealth of their culture and the originality of their ideas. We attach particular importance to co-operation with our neighbours and, in general, with all the countries of the region in which we live. We are convinced that the need to preserve peace and develop good-neighbourly relations is in the national
interest of every one of these countries.
144. We must prevent a return to the cold war. Similarly, it is in the interest of all of us to pursue a policy of detente. In our opinion, this calls for the participation of all countries and a change in attitudes in all parts of the world. For détente cannot be partial. If accompanied by the re-establishment of confidence, on which it depends, it will prevail everywhere; otherwise it will fail. If it is to succeed, every action contrary to it must first be abandoned and then the steps essential to its continuation must be taken. This is true especially of those whose power is the most heavily involved in current conflicts. We refer here to the need to put an end to the war in Viet-Nam. In the Middle East a start must be made on a political settlement of the crisis. Finally, as regards the situation in Europe, we consider that it is first of all necessary to eliminate the consequences of the intervention which has taken place in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic.
145. Present conditions have once again placed the role of the United Nations in the foreground. The fact is that the United Nations is still not the effective instrument which the peoples need to safeguard peace and security. However, the common interest of Member States in seeing the principles of the Charter respected — which we have observed once again at this session — strengthens us in our feeling of certainty that peace and co-operation will triumph over the difficulties now facing the world.