32. The delegation of the Democratic Republic of the Congo would like to join with all those who from this platform have so warmly congratulated Mr. Arenales on his unanimous election to the Presidency of this session of this Assembly. His reputation as a statesman and distinguished diplomatist is our assurance that under his guidance our work will be fruitful and therefore crowned with success. Moreover, our common membership of the group of so-called “developing” countries leads us quite naturally to take additional pleasure in his election, which confirms the universality of our Organization, based on respect for the sovereign equality of States.
33. We also wish to express our feelings of deep gratitude to his predecessor, Mr. Manescu, Foreign Minister of Romania, who presided over the discussions of the twenty-second session in such notably competent fashion.
34. The activities of the Secretary-General, who spares no effort to give our Organization added impetus, deserves our utmost esteem. My country renews to that pilgrim of peace its assurance of its appreciation and its wholehearted support.
35. In this International Human Rights Year, the present picture of the world, both political and economic, is far from calculated to encourage an atmosphere of international détente and human progress: dialogue and negotiation are giving way to the spirit of violence as a means for settling international disputes.
36. Though Viet-Nam, the Middle East and Nigeria may be the most obvious examples of that state of affairs, the recent events in Czechoslovakia provide clear and lamentable evidence of the return to the law of the jungle, characterized by the arbitrary use of force.
37. At the same time, a similar drama is unfolding on the African continent, where the international community is the impotent witness of the negation of the dignity of the coloured peoples of southern Africa. Indeed, we are all aware that the régimes in power there are endeavouring through tyranny to enact again exploits which have been finally condemned and proscribed by the irreversible course of history.
38. A further matter for concern that we are impelled to stress is the frantic arms race which, by threatening the survival of mankind, risks plunging the peoples of the earth into terror and anguish.
39. On the one hand, political tensions that threaten the future of the international community, and on the other hand an ever-widening abyss between the rich and the deprived countries — that is how the state of the world appears today, locked in a kind of iron yoke. No honest man can close his eyes to those international divisions and those disparities in standard of living that are the lot of our community. They are without any doubt permanent sources of world friction, and a number of speakers have not failed to stigmatize them before this Assembly.
40. At this late stage in the general debate, my delegation wishes to recall those events in the firm conviction that its modest contribution will add to the range of the solutions so eloquently set forth by the eminent speakers who have preceded me on this platform.
41. In the first part of our statement, we proposed to evoke once more the principles of sovereign equality, territorial integrity, non-interference and self-determination of peoples that constitute the very foundations of the United Nations. If the United Nations is to move forward, relations between States must be based on those principles.
42. Aware of the intrigues of which it has often been the victim, and convinced that respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States is an obligation on all Members of the United Nations, both large and small, the Democratic Republic of the, Congo cannot accept any interference in the domestic affairs of others.
43. By reason of its policy of non-alignment in international relations, my country rejects any adherence to imported ideologies and intends to remain aloof from the blocs competing for spheres of influence.
44. In the present international situation, where might prevails over right, for the small countries the problem of how to preserve their hard-won prerogatives and attributes of sovereignty becomes more and more agonizing.
45. There can be no doubt that the events in Czechoslovakia are part and parcel of the dangerous game of preserving spheres of influence and achieving world dominance. Thus once again our fear is that that unfortunate invasion may spark off, within the international community, a series of attempted conquests, violence, interference and intolerance, things that were once fashionable but were due to disappear and to be supplanted in inter-State relationships by friendship, peace and co-operation. To cur mind, the invasion of a sovereign State by foreign forces is a grave violation of the principles of the United Nations Charter; respect for the will of the Czechoslovakian people is the only way to bring the situation in that country back to normal.
46. In the Middle East, repeated military confrontations continually bedevil any prospects of a peaceful settlement of the differences that divide the parties.
47. As it has stated on many occasions, my Government considers that the daily increasing climate of hostility in that region is now becoming more explosive than ever, and is anything but favourable for a return to peace.
48. The spirit of good-neighbourliness and sovereign equality ought to impel the States concerned to work out a just solution in the greater interest of stability and the social and economic advancement of the peoples of that part of the world.
49. Among the steps taken to settle that conflict, the Democratic Republic of the Congo would like to mention particularly the recent resolution adopted at the fifth summit meeting of the Organization of African Unity held at Algiers, the tenor of which is in the spirit of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967.
50. My Government’s foremost desire is to see those States, along with the Member States of the United Nations, endeavouring to implement that resolution by collaborating sincerely and actively with Mr. Jarring.
51. The second part of our statement will deal with the principles of the Charter relating to self-determination for colonial peoples.
52. At a time when space research and exploration has actually begun, thanks to the discoveries of science and technology, when there is talk of the peaceful use of outer space and of the allocation of the sea-bed and ocean floor to exclusively peaceful purposes, the conscience of mankind is shocked at the continued subjection of the peoples of southern Africa.
53. In that part of the African continent, the last stronghold of colonialism and bastion of racism, some Powers not yet converted to the new ideas — I am referring to Portugal and South Africa — threaten to jeopardize all the progress made by the United Nations towards the liberation of man.
54. The Democratic Republic of the Congo, which has a common frontier with Angola still under Portuguese domination, is physically aware that the security of African States will remain fragile and threatened so long as a part of African territory has not been finally liberated. For that purpose, the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity must unite their efforts to put an end to that situation.
55. Our determination to support the struggle for liberation of the colonized peoples gives us today the opportunity to congratulate Mauritius and the Kingdom of Swaziland on their accession to international sovereignty and their admission as full Members of the United Nations, and to express the firm hope that we may see Equatorial Guinea joining the great international community following its accession to independence. We are firmly convinced that their accession will inject new life into the United Nations and help to promote the achievement of the aims of the Charter.
56. Southern Africa at present — it needs no emphasizing — is a bulwark for all the supporters of the exploitation of the African peoples. We have declared the fight being carried on by nationalist movements to break the chains of colonialism in their territories to be legitimate, and have appealed to all Member States to give moral and material assistance to those freedom fighters. We are obliged, however, to note that colonial repression in those territories under foreign domination is increasing.
57. With regard to Angola, my delegation must stress that it is the imperative duty of the United Nations to hasten the liberation of that territory, not only in order to conform with the Charter and to answer the legitimate aspirations of the Angolan people, but also to ensure the security of the neighbouring independent States. How many times has not my country complained to the Security Council about acts of aggression by Portugal because my country supports the Angolan liberation movements.
58. Despite the intimidations and threats of the Portuguese military, my Government reaffirms its steadfast determination to support the just fight being carried on by the Angolan people to recover their freedom. More than 500,000 Angolans — I repeat, more than 500,000 — men, women and children, have fled from their villages burnt by the Portuguese hordes and found refuge and moral and material assistance in Congolese territory. The right to free self-determination must be restored to the Angolan people and the United Nations cannot evade that duty.
59. There is another cancer in Africa: Southern Rhodesia. Ever since the unilateral declaration of Rhodesian independence by the rebel Ian Smith, economic sanctions against Rhodesia — at first selective, and then general — have had little effect.
60. In the meantime, the internal situation in that colony grows steadily worse; we sit quietly by as savage measures of repression are intensified and constitutional reforms are introduced enshrining the false theory of separate development of the race and the parliamentary predominance of a racist white minority; we also note the expansion of the Rhodesian economy, powerfully supported by certain countries, particularly South Africa and Portugal.
61. Once again, in order to distract international attention during the current session, whole series of negotiations are held, though we know in advance that they are nothing more than delaying tactics to throw dust in our eyes.
62. This survey of the Rhodesian question leaves no doubt that recourse to force is the only way to liquidate the illegal Ian Smith régime. After all, the United Kingdom is still entirely responsible; we cannot help but be astonished at the excuses this administering Power puts forward to justify its refusal to use force in Southern Rhodesia, when we know that it always used that method against some of its former rebel colonies. We repeat, only the use of force can bring majority government to Rhodesia.
63. For its part, my country renews its pledge to co-operate, in solidarity with the Zimbabwe people, with any force in the world willing to help it to free itself from the colonial yoke.
64. Another régime responsible for the unrest in southern Africa is the racist Pretoria régime. South Africa’s defiance of resolution 2145 (XXI) by which the General Assembly terminated that country’s Mandate for Namibia and made it a direct responsibility of the United Nations sufficiently demonstrates South Africa’s extremely unco-operative attitude towards United Nations decisions.
65. Consequently, its presence in this Organization is nothing fess than treason. World public opinion is shocked and indignant at the revolting behaviour of a country which condemns innocent Namibians and which since last April has prevented the United Nations Council for Namibia from entering Namibia to perform the functions assigned to it by this Assembly. It is the duty of all Members of the United Nations to co-operate to ensure that resolutions adopted by United Nations organs are effective, lest non-enforcement of such decisions should lead to a total paralysis of the United Nations.
66. So far as my own country is concerned, it is ready to co-operate in implementing the pertinent General Assembly decisions regarding Namibia in order to enable the Council honourably to fulfil its duties. It also urges that the United Nations Commissioner for Namibia should be appointed as soon as possible, so that the administrative machinery will then be complete.
67. In addition to the manifold humiliations inflicted on southern Africa’s non-white majority, there lurks in the background a darker and more disturbing shadow; Africa is afraid that the tensions to which the shameless pursuit of this policy of violation of human rights gives rise may one day burst into a murderous and permanent racial conflagration.
68. The racial, segregationist doctrine, based. on a difference in skin colour, is by no means confined to South Africa. Like an octopus, it stretches its tentacles over new conquered lands and frontiers in Namibia and Southern Rhodesia and prevents the oppressed southern African majority from acceding to political, economic and social equality.
69. In this international Human Rights Year, my Government takes pleasure in recalling one of the provisions of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)]. I quote:
“The subjection of peoples to alien subjugation, domination and exploitation constitutes a denial of fundamental human rights, is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and is an impediment to the promotion of world peace and co-operation.”
70. My country is aware that Member States will help those peoples to realize their legitimate aspirations and recover their inalienable right to self-determination. Consequently, it cannot support any attempt to prevent this question from being considered by the General Assembly.
71. I cannot conclude my remarks on colonialism and its various manifestations in Africa without mentioning a burden that unfortunately has weighed heavily on the independence of our young States: the presence of mercenaries on the sacred soil of our ancestors. That has a new phenomenon, a final effort by the retrograde forces of colonialism, imperialism and racism to reconquer or consolidate at all costs their lost or threatened positions in Africa by opposing by any means in their power the independence, unity and progress of the African peoples and their States.
72. In deciding to rid our continent of these hired killers, we have taught a highly moral lesson to the old embittered civilizations, and we remain convinced that the measures that have been taken will prevent these international predators from ever again reappearing in Africa.
73. Another of my country’s international concerns is the threat hanging over the national unity of certain States. The Democratic Republic of the Congo, which was once a victim of that cancer, remains attached to the principle of the territorial integrity of States, and considers that the United Nations should assist artificially divided countries and countries threatened by such division, whether Nigeria, Viet-Nam, Korea or Germany, to protect their national unity.
74. In the case of Nigeria in particular, where foreign interests and monopolies are doing their utmost to maintain secession and the civil war, the territorial unity and integrity of this Member State must be safeguarded in conformity not only with the spirit of our Charter but also with the relevant resolutions of the Organization of African Unity.
75. Again, when we consider the burning issues that threaten world peace, it is impossible not to speak of the painful problem raised by the escalation of the destructive war in Viet-Nam.
76. My country is especially concerned at the suffering of the Viet-Namese people and is convinced that recourse to force is not the right way to the complete restoration of peace in the Indo-Chinese peninsula. My country supports the continued efforts of the Secretary-General and hopes that the Paris talks, however slight the chances, may one day reach a positive result.
77. Since we are speaking of Asia, I should like to say a word about the admission of the People’s Republic of China to the United Nations and about its contribution to the achievement of the aims of the Charter. Both the demographic importance and the political weight of the Asian power on the international chessboard require its participation in our labours in order that the United Nations may achieve universality, and that peace, sincere understanding and mutual friendship may prevail among all peoples. However, in the past as at present, it has frequently been noted that that country’s international contact conflicts with these lofty aims. Its discourteous attitude in its relations with other States, especially with my own country, is a handicap to its admission. Furthermore, examination of this question cannot be permitted to prejudice the position of Taiwan as a member of the United Nations.
78. Foreign intervention in Czechoslovakia, the endless conflict in the Middle East and the murderous war in Viet-Nam have undoubtedly threatened and still threaten international security, but it is the relentless arms race, also, that provides the overwhelming climax of anxiety and horror.
79. Despite the expected modest success in the way of armaments control, the nuclear stockpiles of the great Powers continue to grow. It is our opinion that the extension of the 1963 partial test-ban treaty to all areas would reinforce the efforts stimulated by the recent conclusion of the Treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons [see resolution 2373 (XXI)]. At the same time, some means should be found of rendering more effective the recommendations of the Conference of Non-Nuclear States, especially those for ensuring the safety and protection of States with no stocks of nuclear weapons [A/7277, resolution A].
80. My delegation considers that general and complete disarmament is undoubtedly the only means of ensuring international peace and security.
81. Another aspect of international peace that we should like to examine is the economic balance between nations. Any peace which does not rest on solid foundations cannot be more than transitory, and economic balance is, in our opinion, one of those solid foundations.
82. The economic gap between the developed and the developing countries, and the economic stagnation the latter are experiencing, can only create instability in those countries, an instability that can lead to the breakdown of peace at the international level.
83. We are, however, aware of the fact that the economic development of our various countries depends above all on ourselves, and that international co-operation should be regarded as an adjunct to our domestic efforts to increase their efficacy in the quest for development.
84. Having with great difficulty recovered its political stability, my country, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, has now set to work to rebuild its infrastructure and set its economy moving again by a series of fundamental reforms.
85. The recent monetary reform, accompanied by appropriate fiscal reforms and a reorganization of public finance administration, has laid a solid foundation for economic progress. Our new monetary unit, the Zaire, is becoming stable with very favourable effects on our balance of payments, so that we have been able to liberalize our exchange system and create favourable conditions for private investment.
86. In addition, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, with a view to rationalizing the exploitation of its natural resources, has enacted legislation regulating land concessions and mining exploitation so that its sovereignty over these resources can no longer be questioned. That legislation is proving to be very effective.
87. We cannot therefore speak of the problems of economic development without touching on the problem of training the necessary managerial staff to ensure its progress. In this direction, despite the difficulty of its situation since its accession to international sovereignty — which I need not enlarge on here — the Democratic Republic of the Congo can be proud of its achievements. The number of managerial staff trained in our universities and colleges is steadily growing and we continue to do our utmost to increase the number of our training colleges and to improve the quality of the teaching. To the numbers of staff trained in our national colleges must be added the Congolese staff trained abroad, and we take this opportunity to thank all those countries which have granted and are still granting such valuable assistance to the Democratic Republic of the Congo in that sphere.
88. In order to ensure a rational utilization of these managerial staff and prevent their possible exodus from the country, we have enacted suitable legislation which takes our development needs into account.
89. Experience shows that if the burden of development is shared, it weighs less heavily on all concerned. It is therefore natural that the Democratic Republic of the Congo should turn first to its neighbouring brother countries to which it is bound by a wholly spontaneous solidarity. The formation of the Union of Central African States, comprising the Central African Republic, the Republic of Chad and our own country, is evidence of our belief in the need to create natural regional bodies in order to ensure the harmonious development of all the States of Africa.
90. This form of regional co-operation, imbued with the spirit of good-neighbourliness and mutual respect for sovereignty, satisfies one of our peoples’ deeper aspirations, the creation through solidarity and economic integration of an atmosphere of understanding and friendship, and the economic progress of our respective States.
91. Having exerted great efforts at the internal level, and having demonstrated our peoples’ firm determination to achieve regional economic integration, we are now turning to the external world with which we must co-operate under the rules of economic interdependence.
92. The first United Nations Development Decade is drawing to a close, and we are preparing to set the goals for the second Decade. It is only natural that we should begin by drawing up the balance sheet, however brief, of the first Decade.
93. As every speaker who has preceded me on this platform has stated, the results of the first Decade have been disappointing. Despite the efforts of the developing countries and of some international bodies, the goal which had been set — a minimum 5 per cent growth rate in the developing countries — has not been attained; the principles adopted at the first session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development held at Geneva to govern international economic relations have not been applied; the second session of the Conference, held at New Delhi, was also a partial failure, if not a set-back, even though it adopted the principle of the transfer of 1 per cent of the developed countries’ gross national product to the developing countries and the principle of non-reciprocal preferential treatment for the exports of the developing countries.
94. Allow me to say how disappointed we feel at this state of affairs. Are we to believe that the very basis of international co-operation between the developed and the developing countries is again being called in question?
95. Not that we have any wish to overlook the assistance, both bilateral and multilateral, which our country has continued to receive ever since its accession to international sovereignty. Indeed, we must pay a sincere tribute to all those friendly nations, to the United Nations and to its specialized agencies, for the concern they have shown for our economic problems.
96. All of us firmly believe that both bilateral and multilateral assistance have an immense value for the economic development of the developing countries; we are equally convinced that the most important, effective and stable assistance the developing countries expect from the developed countries is the reorganization of international trade patterns in order to improve the terms of trade of the developing countries so as to favour their exports.
97. The Democratic Republic of the Congo itself attaches particular importance to the expansion of international trade. In our view, such expansion should involve a greater participation by developing countries. Those countries will be able to rely on such expansion to implement their development programmes, provided they can be assured of an increase in their capacity to import capital goods.
98. On the threshold of the second Development Decade, we must express our concern at the fact that the idea of re-organizing international trade patterns and the principles that should govern international economic relations which were adopted at the first session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development have not yet been accepted by all countries.
99. We cannot help but wonder whether the second Decade, despite the careful preparations we should like to see made for it, based on the excellent ideas about global strategy and quantitative goals put forward from this platform, will not in the end meet the same fate as the first, for the simple reason that the fundamental principles that should govern international co-operation have not been accepted by all.
100. However, we remain optimistic and believe that reason will prevail, so that an economic balance between the nations, that firm base for international peace, will be achieved.
101. May I conclude very briefly with a few thoughts. Peace threatened in the Middle East and in Viet-Nam; Nigeria rent asunder; colonialism and apartheid strengthened in southern Africa; an armaments race; half the world under-developed: that, alas, is the unpleasing picture the world has to offer, those are also the problems the United Nations has to face. Established to serve the noblest cause of all — the cause of peace — it is hamstrung by the failings of Member States in the peaceful settlement of disputes.
102. So that the acceptance of the concepts of sovereign equality and interdependence and the unflagging determination to support the fight for liberation that is being carried on with such determination by the peoples of the territories still under foreign domination may be strengthened in every Member State, the Democratic Republic of the Congo once again proclaims its unshakable faith in the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter. It is convinced that only the good faith of Member States, their support of the efforts of the United Nations, and their mutual understanding can strengthen peace, solidarity and friendship among peoples.