116. First of all, 1 should like to join many other speakers in congratulating the General Assembly on the election of its new President. I should also like to wish the President success in carrying out the important task entrusted to him—a task for which we all feel he is eminently suited.
117. I think that it is worth noting how often the highest officials of the United Nations — the President and the Secretary-General — are elected from among the representatives of the smaller Member States. Those who hold these important offices symbolize the very concept of world-wide co-operation which is the fundamental idea of the United Nations. The smaller nations have the greatest stake in organized international co-operation, and perhaps also the greatest appreciation of the necessity of such co-operation. The smaller nations, if left to themselves, have only limited possibilities to assert themselves in international politics. Their possibility of influencing international developments and protecting their own way of life and their own interests lies in close co-operation with others. The activities of the United Nations and the effectiveness of the Organization will therefore be of special importance to the smaller nations.
118. This leads me to what is a basic theme in my statement, namely, the possibilities of the United Nations for settling or mitigating conflicts — particularly conflicts which threaten the freedom or the existence of the smaller nations.
119. In his very interesting introduction to his annual report [A/7201/Add.1] the Secretary-General does not present a very encouraging picture of the international situation. On the contrary, he gives a rather gloomy review of tensions and crises and serious conflicts in all corners of the world. I am afraid that we all have to concur with the Secretary-General that a steady deterioration has taken place in the international situation during the last year.
120. I do not intend to follow. the Secretary-General on his tour around the horizon in discussing the many tragic conflicts facing us. I should like, however, to deal briefly with a few conflicts and events which have given cause for much apprehension and insecurity. These conflicts are very different in nature, but they do at the same time highlight certain shortcomings of the powers and procedures of the United Nations.
121. Let me begin with some words concerning the invasion of Czechoslovakia.
122. Like the other members of the NATO defence alliance, my country has been of the opinion that it would be useful to strengthen relations between countries in Eastern and in Western Europe and to work for increased co-operation between them regardless of the differences in their political and social systems. This has of course been our policy also towards Czechoslovakia.
123. But these efforts were never aimed at interfering in the internal affairs of other countries or their alliances. This principle of non-intervention has been observed by all the Western nations. The allegation that attempts have been made by these nations to carry out infiltration in Czechoslovakia is not borne out by facts.
124. A government whose territory is occupied by foreign troops is, of course, not a free Government. Its freedom of action is obviously seriously curtailed. We are of the opinion, however, that the present Government in Czechoslovakia is the one which in this situation best represents the will of the people to handle its own affairs. And it is quite clear that, on the part of the West, there will in no way be any interference with the dispositions of that Government.
125. That being said, however, I wish to add the following. One cannot accept the argument that it is the sole concern of a group of neighbouring States or allies when a big Power through military force subjects a small nation to its own control. On the contrary, such an event is a matter which concerns the whole world.
126. The events in Czechoslovakia represent a clear violation of international law. The invasion is an obvious and unwarranted interference in the internal affairs of another country. It is contrary to all the principles on which relations between nations must be based. It is of particular concern to this Assembly that this occupation of one of the Member States is a violation of the fundamental principles of the world Organization.
127. The occupation has accordingly resulted in a strong and spontaneous reaction all over the world. It has created new apprehension, new insecurity and new tensions. The efforts to create conditions for a lasting détente in Europe have suffered a severe setback. Nobody wants a return to the cold war or to provoke a new sterile arms race. But the events which have taken place have forced individual States, as well as military alliances, to consider new steps in order to safeguard their own interests. It is particularly regrettable that the entry into force of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons has been endangered.
128. What, then, are the prospects now facing us? How and when will it be possible to resume the work of creating better conditions for peaceful coexistence in Europe?
129. Much will depend on how the occupying Powers use or abuse their military superiority, how soon and to what extent the demand for withdrawal of the occupation forces is implemented, and to what extent the country’s own authorities and political leaders are allowed to carry out their functions. As mentioned by several other speakers, only the occupying Powers can answer these questions and only they can undo some of the harm which has been caused. Until this happens the relations between these Powers and the outside world, and particularly their neighbours, will be marked by doubt and insecurity.
130. Let me now say a few words about the crisis in Nigeria, a crisis which, of course, is of an entirely different character. World opinion has, above all, been concerned with the human tragedies inflicted upon the civilian population. Armed conflicts or civil wars will always bring hardships to the civilian population. In this conflict, however, unfortunate circumstances seem to have made the fate of the population very, very tragic.
131. Many Governments and humanitarian organizations have contributed to large-scale operations to bring relief to the civilian population. These efforts have a purely humanitarian objective, with no political aims. Substantial quantities of food and other provisions have for a long time been available close to the distressed areas and further supplies can easily be obtained.
132. However, it has proved extremely difficult to reach the starving population with the supplies which have been collected. Nevertheless, substantial quantities have been airlifted through the battle lines and these supplies have saved many lives. But this relief has not been sufficient to prevent the tragedy from reaching frightening dimensions. Several Governments and organizations have tried again and again to improve the possibilities for the transportation of really effective help. The Governments of the five Nordic countries have jointly taken a very active part in those efforts.
133. I shall not pass any judgement between the conflicting parties on the responsibility for these difficulties. However, One must be permitted to express profound disappointment that those efforts have not yielded better results. The tragedy has thereby reached dimensions which not only are frightening but seem quite unnecessary. This disappointment is widespread in many countries and it has also been directed at the United Nations. Many have asked why it has been impossible for the United Nations to act even in respect of a task of such a limited nature and of a purely humanitarian character.
134. In my opinion, there is no basis at all for criticizing the Secretary-General or his staff or the United Nations relief agencies, such as UNICEF, the World Food Programme and others. I do not believe that these organizations have shown any lack of devotion or will to help. These events, however, have again focused attention on the insufficient mandate and authority given to them and have demonstrated the insufficiency of the means and facilities at their disposal.
135. The conflicts to which I have referred — Viet-Nam and the Middle East are other examples — have again brought to the foreground a question so often discussed in the United Nations: How can we strengthen and develop the Organization and enable it to play a more active role in settling conflicts and alleviating human suffering?
136. The Norwegian Government has consistently advocated a gradual expansion of the authority of the United Nations. This is, however, a difficult and time-consuming task, and we have no guarantee that it will ever succeed. At the same time, however, it appears likely that in the years to come international developments will confront us and future generations with problems of such magnitude that they will not be able to be solved without an organization of a truly global character having sufficient powers.
137. Should it not be a task for all of us to consider what concrete steps could be taken in order to strengthen the authority as well as the means of operation of the United Nations administrative organs? I would suggest that a measure or a relatively limited character be considered. Could we not consider the possibility of giving the United Nations and its agencies, the Secretary-General, UNICEF, the World Food Programme, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, a stronger mandate and increased authority — for instance, by means of a special treaty — a mandate to carry out the purely humanitarian task of organizing and providing relief to a civilian population which has endured great sacrifices brought upon them by wars, conflicts or other calamities?
138. The tragedies which we have recently witnessed, for instance in Nigeria, demonstrate the need for such an extended authority for the United Nations. The United Nations Charter is a flexible instrument. It is up to the Member States to develop those powers which, though not expressly provided in the Charter, are conferred upon the United Nations by necessary implication as being essential to the performance of its duties, but which have not yet been formulated in international agreements.
139. This year we celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The General Assembly has unanimously proclaimed 1968 as the International Year for Human Rights.
140. May I take this opportunity to congratulate Mr. René Cassin, to whom the Nobel Peace Prize Committee of the Norwegian Parliament has just awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, for his untiring work for human rights. This may be considered a symbolic salute to the International Year for Human Rights. We feel also that the strengthening of the authority of the world Organization in the humanitarian field would be a worthy contribution to the celebration of this event.
141. The International Covenants on Human Rights constitute a step in the right direction. It may be necessary, however, to go beyond this and to work out an international agreement which would provide the legal basis for the United Nations and its agencies to take action in emergencies involving great human suffering.
142. In line with this and in order to emphasize the wish of my delegation further to strengthen the United Nations, I should like to confirm the Norwegian Government’s strong support of the proposal for the peaceful use of the sea-bed under the auspices of the United Nations. The United Nations has also an important task regarding the problems connected with the physical and social environment. We therefore fully support the Swedish proposal, which led to resolution 1346(XLV) of the Economic and Social Council, for an international conference to study these questions on a global basis.
143. If the United Nations is to be able to accomplish the tasks just mentioned it must fulfil a basic requirement, that of establishing the basis for a durable peace. It is indispensable to halt the nuclear arms race and prevent the further proliferation of nuclear weapons. In spite of the feeling of insecurity created by recent international events, particularly in Europe, the Norwegian Government will this autumn seek parliamentary approval for the ratification of the non-proliferation Treaty. I should like to express the hope that a great majority of the States Members of the United Nations will ratify the treaty at the earliest possible date. This would undoubtedly be greatly facilitated if the atomic Powers took steps to initiate negotiations on nuclear disarmament as envisaged in article VI of the non-proliferation Treaty.