107. May I first of all offer a word of greeting to Mr. Emilio Arenales Catalan, whose absence we deeply regret and to whom we sincerely wish a speedy recovery.
108. An eminent Latin American is now President, the highest post in this General Assembly. We all know his intellectual and personal qualifications and so are sure that we shall all receive fair and proper treatment from the Chair.
109. I am also happy to express the appreciation of my country for the work done by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Romania, Mr. Corneliu Manescu, the President of the twenty-second session of the Assembly, whom we shall very soon have the pleasure of welcoming in Argentina.
110. I should also like to express, on behalf of my Government and my country, our gratification at the admission of the Kingdom of Swaziland to membership of the United Nations and to extend to that country friendly greetings and our best wishes for its independent life.
111. This session is opening in an atmosphere of tension and despondency. The number of problems afflicting the international community is growing continually. Critical situations become chronic and others, just as grave or even more so, follow hard on them. The despondency arises from a marked tendency for countries to forget the principles of the Charter or to proclaim a formal adherence to them with which their subsequent political behaviour is inconsistent.
112. Many of those who have spoken before me have expressed similar concern over the international situation. Now to some extent, that is an encouraging sign. Realization of the problems is the first step in the search for a solution and a clear sign of the concern of Member States to revitalize an organization which, in the difficult post-war years, has rendered invaluable service in preserving the world from fresh general conflict. But today that is not enough and it is becoming increasingly necessary to reflect on the principles that should guide international action.
113. A lot of people have told us recently that the world is now moving towards a reduction in tension, a détente that will safeguard international peace and security permanently. The truth is that, at least until now, all these retrograde attitudes which I have mentioned certainly offer no real basis for true coexistence among nations.
114. For a reduction in tension to be effective, to lead to positive steps towards peace, it must not mean just limited understandings between the great Powers in their own interests. It means, or should mean, the adoption of a standard of international conduct applicable in the general framework of international relations. It is certainly not easy to establish such an attitude, but it is not impossible. First of all, it means respecting the principles and machinery of the United Nations Charter that have so often been forgotten in recent times.
115. But it is not enough merely to recall them, just as the good intention to comply with them is not enough. Good intentions, to have any real moral relevance and practical effect, must be accompanied by a genuine determination to put them into effect.
116. The peace which we need is not a respite between great Power conflicts, a natural consequence of the nuclear equilibrium. Nor is it the mere absence of a conflagration, the sole outcome of which would be the total destruction of the human race. We cannot accept a negative conception of peace, which is all the more deceptive at this time when the only step which appears to be excluded is the possibility of collective suicide.
117. We cannot speak of peace while the principles of our Charter remain a dead letter or old incantations which many take leave to doubt, since peace is incompatible with ignorance, with economic misery, with the blatant imbalance between Member States, with the exclusion of the smaller countries from political responsibility, with the cynical concept of a theoretical equality that is seldom practised, with the monopoly of the benefits of modern science and technology. Détente is, without any doubt, a pressing need for the international community. The fundamental point is that it should not be obtained at the expense of the independence of the countries which are not in the forefront of the process.
118. The nations which form the international community wish to live by their own decisions. This statement is as simple as it is human, as clear as it is easy to prove in practice. Although it may seem superfluous to mention it, it is the very basis of all political action in the international system.
119. Every people wishes to realize its own values, to fulfil its own destiny, to carry through the enterprises it plans, and whatever criticisms may be levelled against this attitude, or however out-of-date it may be declared, it is an undeniable truth that it is a part of the very nature of man.
120. But, the international community obviously cannot be based solely on the desire to safeguard the individual characteristics of Member States. This natural tendency must be harmonized with an active and creative solidarity welded together by the fundamental principle of mutual respect among nations.
121. To a large extent, the United Nations should be the body for channelling efforts to achieve the lasting and close international co-operation which this spirit of solidarity demands. The Organization’s ability to put these principles into practice basically depends on the support it receives from Member States, particularly those which, by virtue of their power, have a greater responsibility. But we specifically wish to point out that all Members should play a dynamic role. It would distort the real meaning of the
Organization and conflict with the purposes proclaimed in the Charter if the role of some states were limited to that of mere onlookers and only the strategic schemes of the great powers were to prevail.
122. Only if we accept these fundamental principles - national diversity and international solidarity — will we be able to tackle the thorny problems of the world of today.
123. International life poses two kinds of problems.
124. The first reflects situations which generate serious international tensions as a consequence of the disregard of the basic principles of coexistence or of a refusal to recognize the great renovating currents flowing through the international community.
125. The second comprises a variety of problems which can only be solved by a genuine joint effort to lay lasting foundations for co-operation between States. And an effort will undoubtedly provide the constituent elements of a new international system.
126. Both kinds are closely linked. It will be impossible to build the world of tomorrow if we do not solve the problems of today. On the other hand we cannot be satisfied with finding answers to current problems because that would mean abandoning any vision of the future — and our hope of improving the international community.
127. Among problems of the first kind — those which bring tension to the international world — we must mention the situation that has been created in Czechoslovakia. No state may claim the two-fold advantage of security of the juridical order and the indiscriminate use of force for the exclusive benefit of its national interests.
128. In endeavouring to impose its own systems on the development of other national entities, the Soviet Union has attempted to reverse the lessons of history, an attempt which is doomed to failure.
129. In the light of these recent events, we must once again vigorously proclaim the principle of the sovereign equality of all States. This principle continues to be the best guarantee of full and active participation of our peoples in the present-day world. Another principle equal in importance and dear to the hearts of Latin-Americans, provides it natural complement, is the principle of non-intervention. The Soviet Union, which supported General Assembly resolution 2131 (XX), has flagrantly violated the rules therein laid down.
130. The curious dogma of the infallibility of the Soviet concept of socialism — based on strategic ideas rather than political theory — seems to underlie a new theology and we have no doubt that, if Marx came back to life he would find it hard to adjust to this latest orthodoxy. The liberalization of socialism and the need to adapt it to the peculiar characteristics of each country are a necessary consequence of national aspirations which will not be suppressed. The tanks which invaded Czechoslovakia have merely delayed a
process which cannot be halted, and have done so through the application of policies based on obsolete ideas about spheres of influence.
131. There is no necessity to dwell on the analysis of a situation which violates the principles of the Charter and impairs the authority and prestige of the Organization. I must, however, underline once again the need to give lasting effect to the principles of non-intervention, independence and national sovereignty. If a group of States, parties to a multilateral arrangement, assented to the future abandonment of their own jurisdiction to the most powerful State, they would have totally alienated their national potential, and international life would unquestionably thereby lose strength, richness and, above all, security.
132. The situation created in central Europe has brought into relief a problem which is of particular importance for the peace and stability of the area. This is the problem of the dismemberment of one of its countries. The Federal Republic of Germany has spared no efforts to facilitate national reunification. Unfortunately it has not been successful, Common values unite a people which today is artificially divided. What is more, ideological barriers have been erected to restrain this natural process and the
legitimate desire for reunification of a people that has been systematically denied the right to self-determination has been quite wrongly described as "revanchism”.
133. On earlier occasions, from this platform I have set out Argentina’s position with regard to the tragic conflict in Viet-Nam. I should now like to express my Government’s satisfaction at the opening of diplomatic contacts in Paris. Even though the results up to now have not been encouraging, we nevertheless hope that in the future appropriate solutions will be found or that at least conditions conducive to early solutions will be created. The solutions will only be lasting if they ensure that the Viet-Namese people obtain the right to self-determination in a climate of freedom, and of the proclamation and defence of human values.
134. The problem of the Middle East continues to be of concern to the Argentine delegation. Today, as last year, we appeal to those directly involved to make an honest effort to achieve stable coexistence in the area. This means faithful compliance with all the provisions of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and all possible support for Ambassador Jarring, Special Representative of the Secretary-General, by the international community. The gravity of the conflict and its repercussions on world peace must make the parties concerned realize that they too have a duty to demonstrate their solidarity and willingness to co-operate with the rest of the international community.
135. One of the most significant movements in the present-day world is the process of decolonization. Argentina has pledged its fullest support to the guiding principles of that process and will continue to do so in the future. We should also like to express our gratitude to the United Nations and in particular, to the Committee of Twenty-Four for the work they have done in that field.
136. Nevertheless, we must express our concern at the continued existence of certain colonial situations which show no signs of evolving favourably, situations such as those in Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea and that of the régime which illegally holds power in Southern Rhodesia. The maintenance in Namibia of an administration outlawed by General Assembly resolutions and illegal occupation of the Territory is unacceptable to my Government, especially when under that administration attempts are made to introduce a system of local governments which openly violates the principle of territorial integrity set forth in paragraph 6 of General Assembly resolution 1514 (IV).
137. The same principle of -territorial integrity, among others, justifies Spain’s legitimate claim, for the immediate restoration of Gibraltar to Spanish hands. Argentina fully supports this claim.
138. There is one item on the agenda that is linked to these matters and which affects us immediately and directly, and that is the question of the Malvinas Islands. The titles on which Argentine sovereignty over these Islands is founded are well known and do not need repeating here. The position of the Argentine people and Government is therefore clear and irrevocable: we claim the restoration to the Republic of a part of our national heritage which was wrested from us by force.
139. And while on this matter I feel bound to recall the resolution which proclaimed the international community’s interest in the elimination of colonial situations and affirmed respect for national unity and territorial integrity as one of the basic principles of the decolonization process.
140. This principle is the justification for my government’s bringing the problem of the recovery of the Malvinas before the United Nations. The international community is aware that amputated territories can never be relinquished by the country injured. That is why my Government voted in favour of General Assembly resolution 2353 (XXII) which states that:
“any colonial situation which partially or completely destroys the national unity and territorial integrity of a country is incompatible with the purposes and principles of the Charter".
141. Argentina therefore demands that its undeniable sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands be recognized. Nevertheless it has agreed to negotiate such recognition with the United Kingdom in accordance with the provisions of General Assembly resolution 2065 (XX) and in so doing it has remained faithful to the tradition of seeking peaceful solutions to international disputes.
142. Again faithful to the provisions of that resolution, my Government has affirmed that the interests of the population of the Islands are its greatest concern. It would not be consistent with fundamental laws and its international tradition if Argentina did not affirm its irreversible decision to treat them with absolute equity and justice.
143. All the aspects we have mentioned here are receiving our careful consideration. We must also make it perfectly clear that in the course of those negotiations we shall not accept any solution which departs from the basic principles set forth by the United Nations concerning either the protection of the interests of the inhabitants or the restoration of national territory.
144. The second kind of problem facing the international community-problem whose solution will constitute the starting point for the establishment of a new system of inter-State relations in accordance with the needs of the age in which we live—represents a challenge to our will to mould a more worthy future for mankind and to our ability to maintain a strict observance of the principles on which coexistence must of necessity be based. It is essential that we should recognize this because on it depend our chances of success.
145. The great attempts of the past to organize a stable international system failed not through any lack of means but through lack of a true spirit of solidarity. It is this co-operation which is needed today to ensure both general peace and peace within nations.
146. As I have said, the peace we aspire to is not mere peaceful coexistence based exclusively on what has been called the “balance of terror”, which is the result of the deadlock produced by the confrontation of great strategic nuclear forces. If we accepted this system as the only basis for coexistence between nations, it is obvious that all power relationships other than nuclear would continue. The precarious strategic balance would lead to a dangerous conformity and a false sense of security which, through some error of calculation, could plunge us into a conflict of catastrophic dimensions.
147. In order to prevent these attitudes from gaining ground, it is essential to make progress with measures of general and complete disarmament under strict international control. In this direction we are bound to note that the results up to now are far from satisfactory. We hope that the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament may take some positive decisions which will go beyond mere declarations.
148. The Argentine delegation’s position on the question of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons has been both clear and consistent. We are opposed to the proliferation of nuclear weapons. We believe, however, that the principle is not yet sufficiently safeguarded by legal instruments. Recent experience has shown us conclusively that the smaller countries need a system of guarantees properly adapted to their requirements and — I emphasize this particularly — need also and especially an assurance that they can count on a wide measure of freedom for their technological progress. If this were not forthcoming, we should be helping to crystallize the status quo and to establish indefinitely a system of political and technological dependence with gloomy and unacceptable consequences.
149. It was concern with these questions that dominated the recent conference of non-nuclear States. The importance of the matters dealt with and their implications for the future structure of the international system make it essential to keep the subject open to allow of more detailed analysis of it.
150. The international community is now concerned with the question of the peaceful uses of the sea-bed and the ocean floor beyond national jurisdiction. We are strongly in favour of legal regulation of this question which will allow the abyssal plain to be exploited for the benefit of civilization, and we are prepared to continue our co-operation, as we have done, in the task being carried out by the Special Committee established pursuant to General Assembly resolution 2340 (XXII).
151. But while pledging our support, we wish at the same time to place on record that studies by the United Nations should be restricted to the areas specified in that resolution, for reasons of elementary respect for domestic jurisdiction. Any approach liable to infringe domestic jurisdiction would not provide a real solution and would only create new international tension.
152. Economic affairs require our analysis and constant attention. The Argentine Minister of Economy and Labour, speaking on behalf of Latin America at the meeting of the governing bodies of the specialized economic and financial agencies, drew attention to the marked discrepancy between the levels achieved in international monetary co-operation and the results obtained in world trade.
153. Our country has co-operated to the utmost, so far as its resources allow, in ensuring the stability of the international financial system and is also prepared to contribute to the growth of international trade. International trade has created such a state of interdependence between the different peoples of the world that it is becoming increasingly essential to create a harmonious and balanced structure for it.
154. International solidarity and peace also need free, intense and active trade. Regional discrimination, attempts to introduce an international division of labour, the refusal of the industrial countries to pay fair and proper prices for the manufactured products or raw materials of the less developed countries, and the refusal to recognize their quality, all seriously circumscribe national independence and create serious tensions among States.
155. But it is also true that we all have an equal responsibility in this matter. The solidarity we call for of course requires the contribution of the more industrialized countries. This contribution, however, would not be enough unless it were accompanied by a firm determination on the part of the other countries to make serious and constant efforts to promote their own development.
156. At this point we must also point out that it is this approach of mutual co-operation that offers the best possibilities of achieving satisfactory progress. We should beware of the fallacy that new international machinery can make up for the lack of will to undertake concerted action. The last few years have produced an astonishing number of agencies which are already a heavy burden on national budgets and a stimulant to the growth of international bureaucracy. Because of the difficulty of reaching effective agreement at intergovernmental level, the activities of the new agencies are usually confined to drawing up abstract plans which can never be put into effect.
157. The session of the General Assembly is taking place just after the Economic and Social Council has completed its analysis, at its forty-fifth session, of the problems connected with the Second United Nations Development Decade Argentina is gratified to note that the Economic Committee has been entrusted with the task of drawing up an outline of the international development strategy for the Decade, as we suggested. It is precisely the Economic and Social Council, as one of the principal organs of the United Nations, which is competent to consider questions of such importance as the one we are considering. It is at that level — technical, but at the same time of obvious political authority — that the targets should be fixed.
158. To speak of problems of economic development without considering the role of technology in contemporary society would be to forget one of the key factors in fruitful international co-operation. Disparity in the opportunity to utilize the knowledge offered by modern technology may constitute an insuperable obstacle to bridging the gap between the industrialized countries and the developing countries, as well as a threat to political peace in the world. That is why at the various international meetings we have stressed the need to face the problem resolutely, and prepare programmes of action which will meet the existing needs.
159. In this connexion we should note the work accomplished by those United Nations bodies operating in the field of technical assistance and investment. In particular I should like to express our satisfaction at the important work being carried out by the United Nations Development Programme.
160. Consistently with the importance we attach to these activities, it is a pleasure for me to announce that Argentina’s contribution to the Development Programme will be increased this year by a third and that, taken with our contributions to the United Nations Industrial Development Organization’s programmes and the United Nations Capital Development Fund, this will increase our financial contribution to technical assistance, pre-investment and investment activities by approximately 50 per cent in comparison with the previous year.
161. Neither the liberalization of international trade, which we have urged, nor co-operation and assistance for technical development, would be sufficient unless they were accompanied by a sustained and systematic will to solve social problems at the international level. There will be no economic progress without social peace. The United Nations’ justifiable concern in this regard is fully endorsed by my Government.
162. Argentina is following and taking an active part in all the studies which have been made in this field, and the Draft Declaration on Social Development [agenda item 50] which is today being considered by the Assembly was based on an Argentine proposal. However, we must take care that no ideological notes are introduced into the Declaration which would be foreign to the nature of the instrument and to the purposes which inspired its drafting.
163. Lastly, my delegation wishes to emphasize one auspicious event whose importance will not, I am sure, escape this Assembly. I refer to the report which has been submitted, for the first time, by the International Court of Justice [A/7217]. It is important to mention this because the Court is the body prescribed by the Charter for the settlement of legal disputes and, as is specifically stated in Article 92, is the principal judicial organ of the United Nations. For the Argentine Republic, whose legal tradition in the international field is well known, it is particularly gratifying that this General Assembly, fully representative of the international community, should take note of the activities of an organ which is so qualified to provide peaceful solutions to disputes between States. We also hope that this report will remind all the nations gathered together here of the valuable contribution which the Court can make to the solution of existing differences.
164. This then, in broad outline, is the position of the Argentine Republic on the great problems facing the international community. We have not been sparing in our criticism because we believe that an understanding of the world situation is an essential prerequisite in the search for effective solutions. The military intervention in Czechoslovakia, the long conflict in Viet-Nam, the situation in the Middle East, the attempts to maintain colonial situations despite the will of the international community, the lack of real progress on the problem of disarmament and the precarious strategic situation in Central Europe, are negative factors whose importance and consequences we must underline if we wish to advance along the road to peace and security for all.
165. We recognize that it is a difficult road to follow unless we abandon dangerous practices and show sufficient imagination to realize that the international situation is essentially changing, and that therefore it is not possible to apply criteria and formulas which are not adapted to the facts of contemporary political life.
166. But the basic questions of our time also offer great opportunities for laying the foundations of harmonious coexistence in which national objectives could be met in a framework of international co-operation if we would look at our problems from a different angle and not lose sight of our goals. The United Nations can and should make a decisive contribution to the fulfilment of this task and my country solemnly pledges itself to make every effort to achieve that aim.