132. It is with particular pleasure that I would like to extend to my colleague, the Foreign Minister of Guatemala, the sincere congratulations of my delegation on his election to the Presidency of the General Assembly at its twenty-third session. It is a particular pleasure not only because of the friendship between his country and my own, although geographically so distant from each other, but also because, in his person, the people of Cyprus, when under foreign rule and during difficult times, found a great and true friend, whom they shall always remember and consider as such. We fully share, therefore, the joy of his country at this great honour which has deservedly been bestowed upon him. We are confident that he will discharge the duties of his high office and perform the task entrusted to him successfully, with the ability and the wisdom and the experience which he possesses.
133. It would be remiss of me not to join with the other colleagues who have preceded me to this rostrum in expressing our deep appreciation to the outgoing President, the Foreign Minister of Romania, Mr. Manescu, for the exemplary manner in which he carried out his extremely difficult task in most complicated and delicate circumstances and at a time when frustration, disappointment and fear in the world had reached an agonizing degree.
134. But if the outgoing President was presiding over this Assembly in the circumstances that I have indicated, it is regrettably equally true that our new President has now been called upon to preside over this year’s session in even graver conditions, and at a time which appears to be most crucial in so far as the future of the United Nations and the fate of mankind are concerned. This, I believe, is no exaggeration. We have reached the point when not only do we not see our expectations and hopes on the way to final
fulfilment — as we so strongly complained in years past — but we are now faced with a gloomy outlook for the future unless the present trend of developments in the international situation are not only checked but, indeed, reversed. This is not a time for romanticism, or for perfectionism, or to being content with beautifully worded declarations or the mere reiteration of our principles and our hopes. It is not enough to identify and to speak of the causes. We must react positively and in a decisive manner if we are to reverse the present trend of developments.
135. Previous general debates were marked by the apprehension of existing dangers and by a varied degree of frustration and disappointment at the inability of the United Nations, due not to any fault of its own but to the failures of its Members, individually and collectively, to make enough progress towards solving the various international problems, or towards fulfilling the requirements of the Charter, thus realizing the expectations and aspirations of mankind.
136. This year it is not merely apprehension of existing dangers, and it is not merely frustration and disappointment; it cannot be merely the registering of fears. The fact is that all of us, whether we say so in the same words or not, clearly see the grim, indeed horrifying, prospects if the situation which we are in the process of examining and assessing is not effectively changed. This is not pessimism. It is realism. It is the need for positive action and correction. We cannot pretend that we do not see the realities. We cannot afford to be misled any more by wishful thinking in believing that none of the existing situations can lead to a wide-scale conflict. Let us also remember that wars and disasters have never been the outcome of logic and reason, but often of miscalculation and of the failure to recognize and accept the realities and therefore control the developments. We surely cannot but realize in which direction we are being led by events. The time has come when we must strive sincerely for peace not by mere words; we must give content to our words by faithful action. There does not seem to be any alternative, and if any optimism is at all justified it can be seen only in the light of this hard fact. We must all give content to our words by faithful action. This is especially true of the great Powers, whose responsibility, individual and collective, is indeed very grave. They are literally in a position to cause the destruction of the world or to avert it. They now possess the means and the power to achieve the one or the other.
137. The super-Powers are on the way to the conquest cf space, as we are so aptly being reminded in the course of these very days by the magnificent achievement of the American astronauts, to whom we take the opportunity to extend our congratulations and our admiration. The super-Powers have made great progress in achieving great means for destruction; the super-Powers have made great progress in achieving means for greater progress. But do the great Powers not realize that peace on the earth is sliding out of their hands, from our hands, from the hands of the United Nations? The effectiveness of the United Nations cannot be very great unless the great Powers lend, in a sincere and constructive manner, their support to it. But this is also true of the small countries, whose collective role can still be very important. The small countries must not only faithfully discharge their own share of the responsibility but also must react more vigorously; they must keep reminding the great Powers in the most convincing manner that peace cannot be achieved and maintained through the division of the world into spheres of influence or by the great Powers giving their own arbitrary and subjective interpretation, as their own interests may require, to the principles of the Charter and of international law which, when we meet in this Assembly every year, we all appear to understand in theory in the same spirit and meaning.
138. ft is an implicit purpose of the general debates to refer to the various aspects of the developments in the world: political, economic, social, technical and legal. It is customary to speak of the achievements of the year under review and to point out the fields in which no progress has been made and why, and to submit our views as to how to proceed further. It has been the practice for every one of us to review the outstanding political problems and a number of other issues, political or non-political, relating to the activities of the United Nations. On this occasion I shall not elaborate on all the issues, but I shall endeavour to lay the necessary emphasis, as I am sure we all see it, on the priorities which so overwhelmingly require our attention at the present moment.
139. Without minimizing in any way the significance of the various achievements, and especially those of the United Nations, in the different fields of its activity in the areas of economic, social, humanitarian and technical development; without in any way wishing to underestimate the partial though important progress which has been made in the field of disarmament, or the limited progress in regard to the process of decolonization, the slowness of which, on the other hand, cannot escape our attention, a fact which we are obliged to record while welcoming Mauritius and Swaziland to the family of independent States; without pretending to forget what has been stressed every year consistently and repeatedly relating to the necessity for creating better social and economic conditions throughout the world, another significant element in the effort for consolidating peace; without in any way purporting to give the impression that our aims for the universal application of human rights has reached a satisfactory stage — which in fact it has not, as we are obliged to record in this International Year for Human Rights — and which is yet another important aspect in so far as the consolidation of peace is concerned; without intending to belittle any of the efforts which are being pursued in connexion with the outstanding political problems in various parts of the world—and in some cases there has been some improvement; without underestimating any of these developments and aspects, I feel that it would be out of all proportion and unrealistic if we were to over-emphasize the achievements and the efforts towards consolidating world peace at this particular juncture when the very foundation upon which we have been endeavouring to build and consolidate appears to have reached the point of near collapse. Let us all admit it with courage, if we are to find the strength to do something positive about it. Every effort and every achievement is praiseworthy, but if these are to prove really useful, it will be only when the probabilities of a major disaster disappear.
140. The Secretary-General, in his introduction to the annual report on the work of the United Nations [A/7201/Add.1], gives a very clear picture of the present international situation. My delegation fully endorses his observations and his conclusions. His comments, made with his usual objectivity and wisdom, should be utilized by all, in the way that they deserve, and should guide us in our deliberations. A glance at the map of the world would suffice to convince us of the reality, of the hard fact, which is that we are on the wrong path. On every continent and in every region there are volcanoes threatening to erupt and lead the world to a major disaster. We spoke of the major ones during last year’s debate, and their ferocity has not diminished in any appreciable degree.
141. The war in Viet-Nam still goes on and the deplorable loss of human life’ continues, whereas no significant progress, if any — at least up to this moment - appears to have been made in the Paris talks which started a few months ago between the United States and North Viet-Nam and which at the time gave rise to so many hopes. Is there any doubt in the mind of anyone that the continuation of this war might lead to a wider conflict, with unforeseen consequences? Is it beyond the imagination of statesmen to find ways and means to end this war and its human carnage and establish a common ground for a peaceful solution? A military victory is no longer an achievable goal but, even if it were, it would be meaningless when measured against the loss and the damage to both sides, in human and political terms.
142. On the other hand, the speedy termination of this crisis will serve the primary purpose of the moment, that of removing the probabilities of a major disaster. Any initiative and any action of a bilateral or unilateral nature, such as the total cessation of the bombings or any other step or steps towards de-escalation, is worth while in the search for the road to a peaceful way out. In this connexion the views expressed repeatedly by the Secretary-General are, in our opinion, both realistic and constructive. The war must end as quickly as humanly possible. The talks in Paris provide the opportunity for progress in the right direction, and there is a widely acceptable basis upon which to work, namely the Geneva Agreements.
143. The situation in the Middle East also appears dangerously unchanged, despite the efforts of the United Nations and in particular resolution 242 (1967) of the Security Council, of 22 November 1967, which, in the view of many provided in the circumstances a framework for a peaceful solution; and despite the persistent endeavours of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Jarring, to assist in the implementation of that resolution. No one underestimates the difficulties and the complexities involved, and it is obvious that Mr. Jarring is in need of more decisive support in carrying out his task. And he must have the support. We feel that Mr. Jarring must be constructively and genuinely assisted to find a formula for the implementation of the Security Council resolution.
144. The underlying issues of the Middle East situation are well known to us all; so are the views of each one of us. What is now important is for all to help towards a peaceful settlement. None can, directly or indirectly, condone for any purpose whatsoever the retention of the territories occupied as a result of the war. This is a clearly established principle, from which there can be no departure in any circumstances. Withdrawal is the first and foremost requirement. True the resolution contains a number of other elements. It is hoped that the diplomatic activities which are currently going on in the United Nations will prove to be constructive in assisting Mr. Jarring to reach workable conclusions as to the implementation of that resolution. A peaceful way out must be found. For what realistic alternative is there? Continued injustice, continued conflict; the perpetuation of humanitarian problems, and the constant possibility of a new explosion which might lead to a major disaster? It is the imperative duty of all to avert
that.
145. In Asia there are still a number of other sources of danger in addition to Viet-Nam. They have not disappeared; they have been merely overshadowed by the magnitude of the Viet-Nam war — perhaps temporarily — but they should also not be forgotten and we should not be led to believe that they do not present a threat to peace any longer.
146. In Africa, the civil war in Nigeria still goes on, and that unfortunate country is still suffering from the effects of that war. While the humanitarian aspects of the situation require immediate attention, a political solution to the problem, in a spirit of conciliation and within the framework of unity, cannot be further delayed.
147. In the same continent, the process of decolonization has not been completed, despite all the inherent dangers that this may involve, due to the stubbornness of the colonial Powers, as well as to our collective inability to act effectively. The same is true of the practice of racial discrimination and apartheid, which still continues to be exercised in the most inhuman manner in one form or another in certain parts of the African continent — in South Africa, in Namibia, and in Southern Rhodesia, where also the situation does not give rise to any hope, as was clearly established at the fruitless meeting in Gibraltar last week.
148. Is it beyond the strength of world conscience, represented in and by the United Nations, to deal effectively with these issues which, in addition to being morally and politically objectionable, may one day also lead to a major disaster?
149. The European situation is potentially one of the most dangerous and its repercussions are felt automatically throughout the entire world. It has recently worsened seriously and has once again threatened international peace and security. It is not easy to forget that the two world wars were started in Europe. The political and ideological division in Europe has been in itself a permanent source of danger to peace. The continued division of Germany and the question of Berlin were, in themselves, sources of danger to world peace. But in Europe, in the course of the past few months, we have witnessed a new event extremely grave in itself, the consequences of which — and I should like to emphasize this — cannot, in my humble submission, yet be determined.
150. Last year we all spoke in this Assembly of the détente which appeared to be gaining momentum in Europe, and we all expressed the hope that that was the beginning of a new and happier chapter in the common effort towards consolidating world peace. Now, in Europe, this effort has received a very painful blow. It has been said that the invasion of Czechoslovakia and the occupation of that country was a family affair. But we thought that, in so far as war and peace were concerned, and in so far as the universality of the principles of non-intervention and sovereign equality were concerned, there was only one family; and that was the United Nations. When the item on non-intervention was discussed and the relevant resolution [2131(XX)] adopted by the General Assembly three years ago it was stressed that all Members of the United Nations were equal and that any intervention or interference for whatever reason in the internal affairs of any State was absolutely prohibited. No distinctions were made and no spheres of influence were ever recognized in this respect. Are we now to look for exceptions to this basic principle, which we have all construed in the same way and adopted unanimously without any dissenting voice?
151. In my initial remarks I referred to the responsibilities of the great Powers. We have to be realistic. The United Nations can be effective on its own in a number of respects. But in certain vital respects the United Nations can be rendered a helpless body if the great Powers collectively, and even severally, decide to ignore its existence. The great Powers have, therefore, the means to provide the United Nations with the possibilities for success. They can do so by redressing, in the first place — and this is what we are
expecting in the case of Czechoslovakia — the situations arising from their own faults and failures.
152. As I said earlier, my emphasizing of the major conflicts which threaten world peace today was for the purpose of giving a true picture in perspective, as we see it, of the present international situation. It was not my intention to give the impression that none of the other aspects is important enough. It was not my intention to ignore some good, or comparatively good, or encouraging aspects and positive developments, nor to minimize the significance of other outstanding issues, to which I have either made only a brief reference or not referred at all.
153. Although I do not wish to deviate from what I have said, I feel that it may be expected of me to report to the Assembly very briefly on the current situation in Cyprus.
154. Conditions in the island have, in the course of the past nine months, improved considerably. The situation is not as yet, of course, completely normal; there are still a number of anomalies; there are still a number of problems to solve and difficulties to overcome; but it would be incorrect not to record the fact that important progress towards normalization has been achieved as a result of my Government’s unilateral initiatives.
155. In this connexion, it is my pleasant duty once again to express our appreciation of the contribution of the United Nations Peace-keeping Force and to praise the efforts of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General. in Cyprus, Mr. Osorio-Tafall, and of the Commander of the Force, General Martola, who, under the wise guidance of the Secretary-General and with the valuable assistance of his collaborators in the Secretariat, have been striving continuously to contribute to the efforts towards normalization. I wish also to express our sincere thanks to all the countries participating in the United Nations Force and to all those which have been financing this operation.
156. It is the policy of my Government to continue to do its utmost for the preservation of peace and for the restoration of complete normality. Some positive response is still expected from the other side.
157. In so far as the substance of the Cyprus problem is concerned, new developments have occurred since I last reported to Members at the twenty-second session of the General Assembly. Pursuant to the Secretary-General’s good offices and initiatives, talks started in June last between the two sides on the island. These talks are now in progress and it would therefore be unwise to go into any detail at this stage. It must be stressed, however, that the mere fact that these talks are taking place is in itself a positive and constructive development. It would not be realistic to underestimate the difficulties, but if goodwill and reason prevail, this effort may succeed. We have done our best to encourage the effort.
158. The Cyprus problem is well known to this Assembly; so are the underlying issues. It would, at the present moment, suffice to say that the Charter of the United Nations and its resolutions are well in our minds. We have the ambition to prove that the United Nations can be effective in its contribution to the solution of this and other problems. In our effort to solve the Cyprus problem, we have been trying to utilize to the maximum possible degree the machinery and the authority of the United Nations, in which we have placed our trust. We hope that, with the assistance of the United Nations, and in conformity with its Charter and its resolutions, we shall be able, in the not very distant future, to achieve a peaceful solution to the Cyprus problem and thus make a significant contribution to the cause of peace, to the cause of the United Nations.
159. That brings me to my conclusion. There is only one way for the United Nations to succeed. It is only when we all decide to accept it as our collective instrument and organ for the preservation of peace and the solution of our problems, and not merely as a rostrum from which we can air Our grievances and propagate our policies and points of view; it is only when we all decide to respect and adhere to its Charter and its resolutions, and not merely pay lip service to them; it is only then that the hopes and
expectations of humanity, which have.been placed in the United Nations, will be realized and fulfilled. We all have our share of responsibility, both the great and the small; but the great Powers have the major share of this responsibility. If they fail to discharge it, it will also be to their own detriment in the final analysis, and the time has come when all should realize and acknowledge this fact. The world and the United Nations expect a unanimous and positive response to this call; for, above short-sighted interests or ideological differences or so-called spheres of influence or other considerations mostly negative or doubtful in value, lies one objective: peace in freedom and justice.