54. In the name of God the Merciful and Compassionate.
55. Mr. President, your unanimous election to the Presidency of this session of the General Assembly is an indication of the high esteem in which you are held by the international community. Since I cannot surpass those who have preceded me to this rostrum in extolling your high qualifications, I do add my voice to all that has been justly said about your representing admirably the Asian character. No wonder that this is so. For does not Afghanistan lie in the heart of the mother continent? For is not Asia the cradle of ancient civilization and diverse cultures which radiated knowledge and wisdom to the whole world? And it would not be amiss, Mr. President, for me to say that you represent the best tradition in Islamic culture, which is one of the major contributions of Asia to the world at large.
56. As representative of a Government which is honoured to be the custodian of the holiest cities of Islam, where in his bounty God Almighty chose to inspire the Prophet Mohammed — peace be upon him— with his divine wisdom and a way of life that has been since adopted by hundreds of millions of believers, I do salute Afghanistan and her illustrious son presiding over this august Assembly. It is no less an honour, Sir, for the continent of Asia that it is for Saudi Arabia to have you as our President at a critical period in the life of this Organization. I humbly pray God that He will guide you in all your endeavours to be a link amongst all nations so that justice and peace may ultimately prevail over this troubled world.
57. It behooves me to express my deep appreciation of the dedicated services rendered by your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Fanfani, the Foreign Minister of Italy, who, with admirable tack and skill, succeeded in bringing harmony to this Organization after it was drifting towards total inaction. It was not by resorting to the old Roman discipline but rather by his keen insight, innate refinement and, above all, by his affectionate smile, that he won the hearts of all. After the light of the United Nations had dimmed at the nineteenth session, Mr. Fanfani brightened it with a new Italian Renaissance.
58. On behalf of my Government, I hereby declare that we have been greatly concerned in Saudi Arabia ever since the Secretary-General decided, after deep thought, not to accept renewal of his mandate for another term. Even in less turbulent times, it is not easy to find a Secretary-General who would be able to withstand the stress and strain of his office.
59. We can doubt how profoundly dismayed U Thant must have been whilst time and again, as a messenger of peace knocking at the doors of the great Powers, to plead with them the cause of humanity, he has been rebuffed, either by negative stands or untenable excuses, which were merely high-sounding and rhetorical, and obtained no positive results. At the expense of his precious health and disdaining his own comfort, he persisted in his noble endeavours to pave the way for peace, which is still being obstructed by those who have blocked their ears to the cries of humanity and shut their eyes, so as not to witness its sufferings.
60. Instead of so many Powers addressing their appeals to U Thant to reconsider his decision not to serve again, let them sincerely search their hearts and mend their ways, so that, in the end, the voice of reason may prevail. U Thant needs no persuasion to stay. What he needs are the fruits of goodwill on the part of those who hold the fate of humanity in their hands. Therefore, all we can hope for, at this stage, is that those who are in great measure responsible for the present unsatisfactory state of world affairs will take drastic steps to save humanity from the threat of global war, which may erupt should the voice of wisdom be stifled and grave warnings remain unheeded. Be just unto humanity and you will be just unto U Thant.
61. The Saudi Arabian Government and people rejoiced when our sister State Indonesia decided to resume its place in this Organization. We have no doubt that this great country is in a position to play a major role in promoting peace and prosperity in Asia.
62. The emergence of an independent Guyana from its former colonial status has gladdened our hearts, and we seize this opportunity to tender our deep congratulations on its admission to our Organization.
63. Each session of the General Assembly affords its members the opportunity to clarify their internal and external policies and present the Assembly with those facts that may well have a bearing on international relations between States. I may be allowed, in making such a survey, to touch upon the progress Saudi Arabia has recently achieved in both the social and economic fields.
64. Since His Majesty King Faisal has been chosen to direct the affairs of the State, our people have enjoyed more political stability and continuous prosperity and this has deeply impressed observers of
progress in the Middle East. Schools and hospitals are on the increase, social security is assured for all those who have no source of income. The cost of all these services is borne entirely by the State.
65. The family remains the corner-stone of our society. The young respect and listen to the counsel of their elders, and the elders cherish and encourage the young.
66. Our economic resources are being developed to the full extent of our financial means. Moreover, His Majesty’s Government has pursued a most liberal policy by opening the doors of the kingdom to foreign investments. Perhaps one of the most significant facts is that Saudi Arabia continues to shy away from all sorts of unorthodox ventures in the fiscal field. His Majesty's Government has always opted for a balanced budget as it clings to the belief that deficit spending would sooner or later lead to insolvency.
67. The Saudi Arabian people at large firmly believe that without their deep faith in God, all their material blessings might turn into a curse, as they have often done when man becomes so arrogant as to think that, as an individual, he is an end unto himself, without due regard to the well-being of his fellow men.
68. Saudi Arabia is first and foremost an Islamic State. Our religion does not only embody a moral code which has withstood the test of centuries, but Islam also provides a legal system which regulates the conduct of man in his relations with other men.
69. To those who have, time and again, inquired whether we have a Constitution, we have always replied that the Holy Koran is our Constitution. If the teachings of that sacred book were not adequate for guiding man in this world and enriching him with the noble purposes of life, there would not have been well nigh six hundred million Moslems today, nor would there have been thirty-six independent Moslem States, leaving aside large Moslem communities living in other countries — Moslems who have staunchly clung to their faith even when atheism became the creed of the States in which they live.
70. One of the most moving events witnessed annually is the Moslem pilgrimage to the Holy City of Mecca and other Holy Places in Saudi Arabia. Hundreds of thousands from the four corners of the earth, belonging to all races of the earth, from all stations of life, with no distinction whatsoever, and no privileges whatsoever, humbly mingle with one another, and in unity commemorate the universal brotherhood of man.
71. A good many leaders from every clime have impressed upon His Majesty the special responsibility thrust upon His Majesty as custodian of the two holiest cities in Islam; and it has come to pass that, during the last few years, a good number of Moslem monarchs and Heads of State, have earnestly discussed with His Majesty the necessity of promoting better and closer understanding among Moslem peoples everywhere. They have also suggested the need to examine questions of common interest, and explore ways and means for setting in motion any action that may bring peace and prosperity to all Moslems. Last, but not least, it has also been thought advisable by many Moslem leaders, during their pilgrimage, that efforts should be made to live in harmony with the adherents of other world religions who have the same aspirations.
72. All this underlies the various trips His Majesty King Faisal deemed appropriate to make during the last year or so to various Moslem countries in both Asia and Africa, with no other purpose than to fulfil the desire of his brothers, who have graciously invited him to visit them.
73. In view of the fact that such visits by His Majesty have been wilfully misrepresented as paving the way for political alliances, I am authorized to declare, unequivocally, that there is nothing further from the truth than these assertions.
74. Inasmuch as we are all fearful that the conflict in Viet-Nam may well engulf us in a world war, we, the representatives of small countries, can only appeal to the major States directly or indirectly involved to lose no more time in search of a just solution acceptable to all the parties concerned, lest the rapid turn of events get out of hand and belated regrets be of no avail.
75. We small States are in no position, even collectively, to exercise world power. However, we would be failing in our duty if we did not endeavour to wield a moral force and thereby influence not only the Governments of the major Powers but also public opinion the whole world over.
76. As long as we Arabs are members of this Organization, and as long as our long history attests to the fact that we have never submitted or become resigned to injustice perpetrated upon our people, we shall ever raise our voices and exert all efforts until such injustice is eliminated.
77. It is almost twenty years since an alien people hailing mostly from Eastern European countries, and using their religion as a motivation for political ends — were encouraged, and so far, have succeeded, under the aegis of the United Nations, in colonizing Palestine.
78. Though the General Assembly recommendation to partition Palestine [see resolution 181 (II)] is in opposition to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, it was exacted from the United Nations by a narrow majority, under tremendous pressure from certain great Powers, and, since 1947, has written a tragic chapter in the modern history of the Arab East.
79. It is not only most regrettable, but an extremely tragic and drastic departure from diplomatic practice and civilized behaviour that the offices of a Member State of this Organization — none other than Syria — have been occupied by Zionist hoodlums in New York City. We should like to know whether this city of New York is the headquarters of the United Nations or the capital of world Zionism par excellence. This is not the first incident of this nature, whereby the freedom and dignity of the diplomatic missions, whether African or Asian, have been subjected to outrageous insults. It is no exaggeration to say that harm or indignity
befalling any Member of this Organization is harm and indignity which touches the heart of every Member, and of the Organization itself.
80. I wish to avail myself of this opportunity to set forth before this august Assembly, in the most unequivocal language, the position of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia on this dangerous problem. We maintain that this flagrant Zionist aggression in occupied Palestine is the most pernicious form of colonialism — similar to the European colonialism in Africa and other parts of the world — and must be totally eradicated.
81. If, indeed, the United Nations is earnestly determined to liquidate colonialism in all its forms in the world, then it is incumbent upon this world Organization to deal with Zionist colonialism in occupied Palestine with as much determination as it has been dealing with other colonial problems.
82. We wish to reiterate that peace in our area will never prevail as long as this flagrant, illegal Zionist enclave continues to exist in a part of our Arab homeland.
83. My Government will make itself amply clear, with full details which our representative in the Special Political Committee will provide on this issue, to those new Members of this Organization who may still be in the dark about the truth of the Palestine tragedy.
84. Colonialism is not entirely dead, as one would expect it to be after it was solemnly declared by the great Powers that the Second World War was fought for the liberation of peoples wherever they are living under a colonial yoke. There are still sizable regions, especially in Africa, which some metropolitan Powers in Europe consider as provinces of their own countries. Angola and Mozambique are flagrant examples. This idea of considering an overseas territory, thousands of miles away, as being an integral part of a so-called mother country has been exploded and utterly discredited.
85. That being the case, we venture to expect that, should the majority of the people of French Somaliland opt for independence, the French Government would meet the wishes of the Somali people by granting them independence in conformity with the French Government's policy of decolonization in Africa.
86. It is, therefore, strange that the United Nations should still feel complacent about legalistic quibblings of the sort our Portuguese andSouth African colleagues annually bring to this rostrum, when they should know that such arguments have long since become obsolete.
87. The Mandate of South West Africa and the so-called Portuguese provinces in Africa are nothing but naked colonialism. Who can still justify apartheid as a State policy, except the bigoted South African and Rhodesian racist Governments? When found in some of the highly developed countries, racial discrimination is at least being fought by the authorities, using various means, including national legislation. But in South Africa, new legislation is enacted to reinforce apartheid in all its nefarious forms. It is indeed high time that the Security Council took this grave issue in hand, as sooner or later it is bound to threaten world peace.
88. Across the Red Sea from the eastern coast of Africa sprawls the Arabian peninsula, which has not been immune from turbulence during the past few years. It is heartening to note that the United Kingdom has finally come to the conclusion that it is the better part of wisdom to withdraw its forces from South Arabia, so that the people in that area may achieve the full independence they deserve. We sincerely hope that, by 1968, a new Arab State in South Arabia will emerge and become worthy of taking its rightful place in the international community.
89. While the United Kingdom has acted wisely in deciding to relinquish its control over South Arabia, it does not seem to see the dangerous portents surrounding Oman. This unhappy land — many of whose sons have been slaughtered or dispersed — does not enjoy the freedom to which it is entitled. The regime in Oman might well be called British colonialism by proxy. Until the question of Oman is settled in accordance with the wishes of the people at large, we are afraid there will always be trouble in that area.
90. If I have so far taken the liberty of defining certain phases of our policy and expressing our views on certain issues, I do not wish to create the impression that other problems are of less concern to our Government.
91. We were gratified that the Tashkent agreement was designed to bring together two sister States in the Asian sub-continent, so that they could, in a peaceful atmosphere, find a just solution to the Jammu and Kashmir dispute in accordance with the provisions of the United Nations Charter as well as the decisions of the Security Council on this issue.
92. When in the late forties the Saudi Arabian delegation, participating with others, elaborated the principle of self-determination into a clear fundamental human right, India played a major role in supporting that endeavour which, after five years of cogent debate with the colonial Powers, was crowned with total success. The right of peoples and nations to self- determination now stands as the corner-stone of the two draft Covenants on Human Rights. Furthermore, many General Assembly resolutions have clearly stated that all the other fundamental human rights may not be enjoyed fully unless a people is free to determine its own fate.
93. We appeal to both these sister States not to lose sight of the provisions of the Charter and the various resolutions on human rights which made it possible for many peoples under colonial rule to attain their independence. Suffice it to say that the peoples of India, Jammu and Kashmir and Pakistan are all brothers, and should settle their differences like brothers.
94. It has been intimated to us that some serious exchanges of views have recently taken place at a high level between the Governments of Greece and Turkey. Such desire on the part of these two Governments to come to an understanding regarding the problem is Cyprus is indeed most encouraging. My Government has not swerved from the stand which it took after long thought last year during the twentieth session. If we touch upon this issue again during the present session of the Assembly, it is because this Organization is still dealing with it. Since 1951 — and even earlier — our delegation has played an important role, joining its efforts with the efforts of those who clamoured for a free and independent Cyprus. The records of the United Nations attest to what I say. We were all jubilant when Cyprus was admitted as a fully fledged State to the United Nations. To us, the inhabitants of that island, whether Greek or Turkish in origin, became free and proud Cypriots, inasmuch as the Greeks and Turks were free and proud citizens of their respective countries. Therefore, it saddened us when, after Cyprus had hardly gained its independence, talk of partition and union with one country or another became the focal points in a dispute which led to the shedding of innocent Cypriot blood. Furthermore, quite a number of States, including Saudi Arabia, which had striven in the United Nations for the independence of Cyprus, had done so with the full understanding that Cyprus would not merge with Greece or Turkey. Politically, our stand is still the same.
95. Any debate in the General Assembly would be lame unless each Member State pronounced itself on the question of disarmament and nuclear weapons. We, the small States, consider ourselves fortunate in not suffering from the complexes of the world Powers. No argument is valid if it claims that it is imperative for the major Powers to keep up the armaments race, for there can be no end to emulation in this field when new lethal weapons are being invented and manufactured in deep secrecy. The small nations can appeal to the great Powers until eternity, but unless these Powers are jolted by the gravity of the worsening situation into making a halt, the pessimists in this world may be justified in believing that the whole of mankind is doomed.