74. It is with profound regret that we note the attempts made by the representatives of certain Western countries to introduce into the debates of this session a political note which creates and maintains tension throughout the world.
75. The statement made by Mr. Rusk, the United States Secretary of State, [1677th meeting], is a proof of this. The lack of moderation displayed in that statement will not only make the General Assembly’s work more difficult, but will also worsen the international climate. Our regret and concern are all the greater because the statement came from the Government of a great country having a major responsibility for the safeguarding of international peace and understanding. The speech by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom [1693rd meeting] which we heard this morning compels me to make the same remarks. But perhaps there is no reason for surprise. Perhaps Mr. Rusk’s statement is only the inevitable expression of a policy which breeds uncertainty and danger on all continents.
76. We are thus obliged to point out as we did at the previous session of the General Assembly [1575th meeting], that, because of this policy, the deterioration in the world situation is becoming more marked. Not only has no progress been made towards solving the two open conflicts — the war in Viet-Nam and the crisis in the Middle East — but world tension continues to grow as a result of the worsening of the situation in Europe caused by the policy of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). This policy is a serious blow against the relaxation of tension in the relations between East and West which was becoming increasingly manifest thanks to the sincere efforts of the socialist States and of certain countries of western Europe.
77. To confirm this it is sufficient to examine the decisions and activities of NATO during the past few years. According to official information published by the Pentagon in December 1967, the United States has doubled its stock of nuclear weapons in Europe in six years. Decisions and actions have been taken with a view to setting up nuclear mine zones along the frontiers of the socialist countries, including those in the Balkans. The implementation of decisions aimed at “strengthening” the northern and southern flanks of the Atlantic bloc and the establishment of independent NATO fleets in the Atlantic and the Mediterranean, is now in progress. A considerable increase in expenditure on the re-equipment of the Atlantic armies with new and more modern material was decided upon at the NATO meeting of December 1967. NATO naval and air forces in the Mediterranean have been
reinforced by new units, some of them equipped with nuclear weapons. All these military measures have been taken in accordance with dangerous political and military doctrines and theories and have been accompanied by feverish activity on the part of the NATO general staffs and by continuous military manoeuvres throughout Western Europe.
78. Only a few months ago, the last session of NATO held at Reykjavik openly approved the revanchist policy of the Federal Republic of Germany whose military expenditure already exceeds that of Hitlerite Germany when preparing for the Second World War. For some time, new plans have been drawn up with a view to increasing the military forces of NATO in Europe and accelerating the arms race.
79. The militarist policy of the Atlantic Alliance, and especially that of the ruling circles in Washington and Bonn which are the main promoters of this policy is a permanent source of tension in Europe. It was in the context of this policy that plans regarding Czechoslovakia were prepared with a view to upsetting the balance of forces in Europe and undermining the entire status quo in our continent. These were dangerous plans for the peace of Europe, but the action taken by the socialist countries to consolidate the socialist régime in Czechoslovakia caused them to fail.
80. In the presence of this NATO policy, what is the alternative proposed by the socialist States? They are above all determined to co-operate effectively with the countries of western Europe, including the member States of the Atlantic Alliance, not only to solve political problems but also to broaden economic, technical and cultural relations. Instead of the arms race, they propose disarmament; instead of the Western military blocs, a valid system of European collective security; instead of closed economic groups, the harmonious development of trade on an equitable basis. In so far as it depends on them, the socialist countries will not allow themselves to be deflected from this path.
81. Despite the open or covert opposition of NATO, this policy has produced encouraging results during the last few years. Co-operation and relations between the socialist States and a considerable number of European countries such as France, the Nordic countries, Austria, Turkey and others, have expanded and become much more fruitful for the mutual benefit of these countries and in the best interests of Europe. We hope that this positive process can be extended to relations with other western States as well, and we are ready, for our part, to co-operate sincerely in that process. The West must, then, also make a realistic and balanced appraisal of the present state of affairs if it wishes to assist in overcoming the dangers threatening stability, security and peaceful development in Europe. This is the only way to create conditions favourable to a relaxation of tension and to peaceful coexistence.
82. The Soviet Union’s new programme for halting the arms race and for disarmament is a concrete expression of the peaceful policy of the socialist countries and of their concern for the security of peoples.
83. This programme follows on the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)] which represents a considerable step forward, made possible by the efforts carried out over many years in the field of disarmament by the United Nations and by the great majority of member States. It confirms the prevailing view in the United Nations that collateral measures constitute a good method of reaching the final goal of general and complete disarmament.
84. The fact that the General Assembly approved the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons by a large majority, and that over eighty member States have already signed it, warrants the hope that the Treaty will come into force in the near future. We must not, however, underestimate the fact that certain circles are continuing their attacks against the Treaty. The Federal Republic of Germany, which is striving to obtain possession of nuclear weapons for its revanchist policy, is renewing its efforts to
prevent the Treaty from entering into force. To these attempts by the Federal Republic of Germany must be added those of certain countries of western Europe as well as certain United States politicians. We realize, however, that these efforts must not be confused with the concern of countries wishing to obtain firmer safeguards against nuclear aggression. Complete security can be obtained only by the total prohibition of nuclear weapons and the destruction of stockpiles of: such weapons; but under present conditions, the mere fact of limiting the proliferation of nuclear weapons constitutes a guarantee for the security of States. The statements of the three nuclear Powers, approved by the Security Council resolution of 19 June 1968 [255 (1968)] constitute a further reassurance in that respect.
85. All these problems show the urgent need to call a halt to the arms race, and this explains the general interest aroused by the Soviet Union’s memorandum [A/7134] concerning urgent measures to achieve disarmament and stop the arms race. This document takes into account long years of experience in disarmament negotiations and the ideas and suggestions of a great many States. It thus corresponds to the general interest of mankind as well as to the specific interests of the different countries and the various regions. We should like to stress here the special importance of the proposal relating to the conclusion of a convention on the prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons, which is a new step of capital moral and political importance for the strengthening of the security of countries. Among the measures aimed at limiting the nuclear danger, the proposal to create nuclear-free zones including not only vast regions but limited groups of States or even individual countries, takes on a new aspect; formulated in this way, it opens up greater possibilities for setting up zones free of nuclear weapons.
86. Regarding this proposal we should like to state that Bulgaria continues to believe in the feasibility of the idea of transforming the Balkans into a nuclear-free zone. The implementation of such a proposal would constitute a positive new stage towards understanding and co-operation between the Balkan countries, and would play an important part in lessening tension in Europe and in the neighbouring geographical regions. We therefore declare ourselves ready to contribute to the realization of this idea as well as to other effective measures calculated to strengthen confidence and good-neighbourly relations among the Balkan peoples. The favourable developments in the Balkans during the last few years give us confidence that the countries of south-eastern Europe can successfully handle even more ambitious tasks for the peaceful settlement of relations in this important region of our continent.
87. The signature of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons is, alas, the only encouraging factor in the international situation, still darkened by the war in Viet-Nam, a war which the United States never ceases to extend by committing its enormous military potential in that area.
88. The opening at Paris of talks between the representatives of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the United States aroused timid hopes concerning the possibility of a solution to the Viet-Nam conflict. These hopes were, however, soon dispelled by the rigid positions taken by the United States at the Paris meetings. There is nothing new, nothing positive or constructive, in the United States attitude.
89. The representatives of the United States do not cease to repeat that they are ready to negotiate on the peaceful settlement of the Viet-Nam conflict any time, anywhere and without preliminary conditions, and they become indignant when the sincerity of their motives is questioned. It would be appropriate to recall the words of Mr. Goldberg, who proposed in this very Assembly [see 1412th and 1562nd meetings] that the Government of the United States professions of good faith should be put to the test. In fact, with the first small test, when the question arose of the pace at which the preliminary talks were to be held, the insincerity of the United States became patent. It was only thanks to the goodwill of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam that the talks did not fail to open, despite the inconsistency of the United States position.
90. In these circumstances, it is obvious that the United States profession of faith would be still less able to stand the test of serious political negotiations. The behaviour of the United States at Paris is sufficient proof of this.
91. The obstinate refusal of the United States to stop all aerial bombing of the territory of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam is the principal obstacle to progress in the Paris talks. In this connexion, it would be appropriate to ask the following question: what is the moral, political or even military justification for the refusal of the United States to stop the bombing? It has been unanimously recognized that no such justification exists. According to qualified specialists in the United States, the military value of all the United States bombing operations in the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam is limited. They produce no substantial military effects, merely serving to increase the material damage, the number of casualties and the sufferings of the Viet-Namese civilian population. Consequently, it is obvious that this bombing is militarily senseless, politically harmful and morally to be condemned. Why then, does the United States persist in its efforts to justify the need for air raids? It is probably in order to conceal its bad faith and lack of any sincere desire to start serious discussions for the solution of the Viet-Nam conflict. Or, as a United States magazine has just pointed out, the United States Government claims the right to continue the escalation while at the same time expecting international public opinion to credit it with seeking peace in Viet-Nam. And yet, for the United States, there is no other way but negotiation that can lead to a cessation of the war and a solution of the problem. But the course of negotiation requires the total and unconditional cessation of bombing and of all other acts of war against the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam. This would make it possible to proceed to the discussion of all the questions of concern to the two parties, with a view to reaching a political settlement of the Viet-Nam problem as a whole on the basis of the Geneva Agreements of 1954. If the United States wants such a settlement, it must abandon escalation, take into account the true situation in Viet-Nam and recognize the National Liberation Front of South Viet-Nam.
92. The aggressive policy of the United States in Asia is also illustrated by acts of provocation against the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
93. The main cause of tension in that part of the world is the presence of United States occupation troops on the territory of South Korea, interference in the internal affairs of the Korean people and the obstacles which the United States continues to place in the way of the national reunification of that country.
94. Contrary to the policy of the United States, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is strictly observing the Armistice Agreement of 1953 and aspires to the reunification of the country by peaceful means. In its memorandum of 25 July 1968 [A/C.1/970] the Government of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea reiterated its proposals for the organization of free elections in the South and in the North, without outside interference
and after tie withdrawal of foreign troops.
95. The General Assembly should concern itself with the problem of the immediate withdrawal of United States troops from South Korea rather than with the report of the so-called United Nations Commission, which merely serves the imperialistic aims of the United States in that region. That is why, together with several other countries, Bulgaria requested the inclusion in the agenda of this session of the questions relating to the withdrawal of United States and all other foreign forces occupying South Korea under the flag of the United Nations [A/7184 and Add.1 and 2] and the dissolution of the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea [A/7182 and Add.1 to 4].
96. When this question is discussed, it is essential that a representative of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea should be invited, as his presence would be a decisive contribution to a just solution.
97. The situation in the Middle East remains critical. The fundamental problems in this region, which are a consequence of Israel’s aggression against the Arab countries, are still awaiting a solution.
98. There exists at present two conflicting tendencies concerning the Middle East crisis and the methods of reaching a solution: on the one hand, there is the rigid and intransigent policy of Israel which, taking advantage of its temporary victories, seeks to impose its unfounded claims in the form of an ultimatum; on the other hand, there is the moderate and constructive position of the Arab countries which are the victims of aggression and which declare themselves ready to abide strictly by the Security Council resolution of 22 November 1967 [242(1967)]. This attitude on the part of the Arab countries has provided a new chance of peace in the Middle East and of reaching a
solution of the crisis in the interests of all the countries concerned, on condition, however, that Israel is also ready to show moderation and goodwill.
99. In these conditions, we should undertake by stages the joint examination and settlement of the various questions, as proposed by the United Arab Republic. The mission of Mr. Jarring, the Secretary-General’s Special Representative, could be very useful in facilitating the application of this method. Unfortunately, Mr. Jarring’s attempts to create favourable conditions for the solution of the problem have been greeted with cannon fire by Israel. Mr. Abba Eban’s last statement in the General Assembly [1686th meeting] simply provides further proof of Israel’s refusal to conform to the Security Council resolution and to pay the slightest attention to proposals likely to facilitate its application. One may ask why this is so. Does not Israel see that this rigid position has no future and that it could lead to a further exacerbation of the Middle East crisis?
100. It is obvious that Israel’s intransigence is inspired and supported by its Western protectors. Did not the Israel Minister of Defence declare that the position of the United States was more important to his country than Security Council resolutions? Consequently, a change in Israel’s attitude is only likely to occur after there has been a change in the political line of the Western Powers, and provided that these Powers make a sincere attempt to apply the United Nations resolution before it is too late.
101. Once again we are forced to the conclusion, to our great regret, that the process of the national liberation of peoples and the final liquidation of the colonial system has still not been completed. Colonialism continues to dominate vast areas of the African continent and of other parts of the world. As the Secretary-General pointed out in his introduction to the annual report, with particular emphasis on southern Africa, "the collective determination of the United Nations to put an end to colonialism seems to have met a solid wall of defiance in that part of the world.” [A/7201/Add.1, para. 148.]
102. South Africa, Southern Rhodesia and Portugal have formed a bloc of colonial forces in southern Africa to consolidate, by means of savage terror, the domination and exploitation of the peoples of Angola, Mozambique, Guinea (Bissau), Zimbabwe and Namibia. Certain countries, as well as the big Western monopolies, are extending important military, financial and political aid to this infamous alliance. What is the reason for this? There can be no doubt that the bond lies in the similarity of the political philosophy professed by both sides and in the identity of their material and military interests.
103. The efforts of the forces of imperialism and colonialism to preserve and strengthen their domination must therefore be opposed by collective action on the part of all anti-colonialist forces.
104. The decisions of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held recently at Algiers, unquestionably represent a significant contribution to the anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist struggles and to the unity of the African peoples. These decisions will have the support of all those who love liberty and justice.
105. The completion of the process of decolonization is an urgent problem in the solution of which the United Nations should continue to play a major part and provide increasingly active support. To this end steps should be taken to harness all the means at the Organization’s disposal and to ensure the co-operation of all United Nations bodies called upon to serve the principles and purposes of the Organization.
106. In this connexion, we must note the inadequacy of the measures for the application of resolution 2311 (XXII) relating to the role of the specialized agencies in the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, adopted at the twenty-second session of the General Assembly. The discussion on the application of the resolution by the specialized agencies and the international institutions associated with the United Nations must therefore lead to the adoption of new decisions and to more effective action.
107. It is the imperative duty of the entire international community to accelerate the process of final decolonization. In order to carry out this vital task, it should redouble its efforts and intensify its action so that the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations and the tenth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples can be celebrated by decisive progress towards the solution of the principal colonial problems still outstanding.
108. The work of the United Nations on economic and social problems has become of particular importance during the last few years because of the legitimate desire of the developing countries to find in international co-operation support for their own efforts to achieve speedier development. It is therefore natural that the problem of under-development should be at the centre of the activities of the United Nations and its specialized agencies.
109. United Nations activities in the economic and social sphere are of no real value except to the extent that they help to reduce the differences between the level of economic development of different countries. It is against this background that the full importance of the second United Nations Development Decade can be seen. The Bulgarian delegation shares the Secretary-General’s view that the achievements of the first Decade provide useful conclusions for the preliminary work in connexion with the second Decade. Therefore, in order to ensure accelerated rates of economic progress for the developing countries, it is essential for the second Decade to provide for steps to safeguard the economic interests of these countries. The elimination of all forms of economic exploitation from relations with these States and the safeguarding of respect for their sovereignty over their natural and human resources must be the basic objectives of all international activity relating to development.
110. Special attention should be paid to the question of methods of arresting the outflow of financial resources from these countries — a problem which, as the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development noted at its second session, is assuming alarming proportions.
111. The elimination of the economic and social backwardness of the countries of the third world is linked with the over-all problems of the world economy. It is important, therefore, to secure the effective participation of all the countries and regions of the world in a narrower and more equitable international division of labour, and to check the growing tendency towards the fragmentation of the international market.
112. Lastly, steps must be taken to bring about the progressive elimination of discriminatory obstacles and the maximum liberalization of international trade. The application of these principles in international economic relations would facilitate the formulation and implementation of a concrete development programme. In this way, the decade of the seventies could contribute more effectively, not only to the solution of the economic and social difficulties of the contemporary world, but also to the strengthening of peace and co-operation among all countries.
113. For economic and political affairs are inter-dependent. The consolidation of international peace and security, and economic and social progress, are two aspects of the same process. A world freed from conflict and tension is a world where rapid economic development is assured. The absence of lasting peace and security has always had a negative influence on international economic relations. These are well-known truths, but the problems of international economic co-operation and development cannot be solved if we continue to neglect them.
114. A great many important and serious problems are before our Organization. On their solution depends, in large measure, the consolidation of peace and the strengthening of confidence among peoples.
115. Despite the growing activity and opposition of certain forces which attempt to bar the way to progress, we should like to hope that the twenty-third session of the Assembly will be constructive, that it will be able to eliminate the new obstacles set on the path to peace and co-operation between nations and contribute to a just and equitable solution of international problems.
116. In conclusion, allow me to express my warm congratulations to Mr. Arenales on his election to the high office of President and to convey to him the sincere good wishes of the Bulgarian delegation for complete success in his important and difficult task. I should also like to renew the expression of our gratitude to the outgoing President, Comrade Manescu who, backed by the confidence of the General Assembly, succeeded in carrying out his duties so ably during two busy and difficult sessions.