Algeria

67. While the keynote of the debates on world problems at the twenty-second session of the Assembly was paradox and misunderstanding, this session will no doubt bear the seal of neglect and tension: firstly, neglect of the Charter; secondly, neglect by a great Power; and lastly, neglect of the trend of events. 68. The recriminations and complaints voiced on this rostrum leave us more than ever convinced that the Charter is increasingly becoming a weapon in a questionable contest instead of the instrument — and the only one, after all — for the building of a better world. 69. The absence of the People’s Republic of China is a distressing fact, but the attempt to ignore and ostracize that country reflects a dangerous lack of clear thinking and presages the gravest consequences for world peace. 70. I have referred to neglect of the trend of events, and people still prefer to repeat old slogans instead of facing the problems of the day. In the existing atmosphere tensions naturally become part of what must be termed international relations. These tensions have led to an imbalance that has become the sole basis of a disordered pattern of international activity. It can only be hoped that the present disorders are not a foretaste of what is to come; for we live in constant fear that justice and peace, which are still the best hope for the world, may at any moment be put in jeopardy for a long time to come. This fear is all the more justified today when the United Nations seems unable either to control the international situation or to contain the rash extravagances of powerful nations. 71. The characteristic features of the last session, like those we have seen briefly in the course of this debate, reveal a certain continuity. When my colleague and friend, Mr. Manescu, was President of the General Assembly, there was a conjunction between his outstanding qualities and the nature of the problems at that time, and it is fitting to find today a conjunction between a world of far-reaching change and the noble features of the Mayan civilization. 72. We are convinced that as soon as he has recovered the President of the Assembly will perform the duties of his high office with the authority, skill and dedication that marked his predecessor’s term of office. We take this occasion to offer him our sincere congratulations and best wishes, and to express our deep gratitude to the retiring President for his tireless efforts in the service of peace, international co-operation and friendship among nations. 73. For some years now, the deterioration in the international situation has become the main theme of all the statements in the General Assembly. This session is no exception to a rule which, by its dismaying persistence, illustrates the terrible gulf between man’s hopes for peace and a better life and the fact that he is powerless to avert the dangers looming over him. But although all nations feel equally concerned about preserving peace, and are aware of their close solidarity in facing the dangers besetting the world, they are not all equally responsible for the worsening of the international situation, nor have they all the same scope for action to improve it. 74. The countries that have become independent during the past twenty years found themselves part of a world already containing the seeds of the imbalances and confrontations that imperil their freedom and their future. Scarcely have the chains of colonial domination been broken, when the efforts and sacrifices they must make to organize and develop their countries and to heal the wounds left by their long period of subjection, are brought up against the conflicts of a world in which they are still the helpless victims of events. 75. It would be unrealistic not to admit that the principle now governing international relations is that might is right. The future of humanity still depends solely on the great Powers, and it is still they alone which determine and influence the development of the international situation. It is clear that a very heavy responsibility lies mainly with them. 76. Nevertheless, this state of affairs must not tempt us to abdicate our own responsibilities in seeking to solve the problems facing us. What is at stake is our common future, while our peoples are prey to the rule of force. In recent years the watchword has been the establishment of peaceful co-existence among the great Powers. Great hopes were founded on such an equilibrium, and, pending its gradual conversion into a condition of stable peace, many saw it as a shield, fragile but real, against world catastrophe. 77. This situation has not prevented the outbreak of various conflicts in the countries of the third world where the imperialist great Powers have openly intervened. The freedom of small countries has continued to be seriously threatened and in Africa, Asia and Latin America the struggle against foreign domination became an imperative duty for many nations. As peaceful co-existence evidently applied only to relations among the powerful States, the little countries were still subjected to outside pressure and to unlawful encroachments on their freedom and independence. Although these conflicts have not led to the use of nuclear weapons, they are nonetheless the most serious threats to world peace, since the truth is that the only guarantee of even the best international equilibrium is the freedom of all peoples. 78. Fears are now being expressed that the cold war atmosphere may be returning. Some believe that since their idea of peaceful co-existence has not been achieved, the world is threatened with a return to the era of the arms race and the risk of nuclear war. Although such fears may be due to recent events in Czechoslovakia, yet the continual interventions in the countries of the third world can hardly be regarded as other than a real danger to international peace and security. True a return to the cold war would be a step backwards in the quest for peace; but it is also true that the freedom of small countries has not been safeguarded during the period of peaceful co-existence and that the world situation still depends largely on the will of the great Powers. 79. For convincing proof of this we have only to weigh up the difficulties that block the way to disarmament. No one could deny that the first step towards the establishment of real peace lies in genuine disarmament, applied to both nuclear and conventional weapons. Yet the merits attributed to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons are purely theoretical as long as it does not embrace all the nuclear Powers, and as long as it leaves these Powers in sole possession of a weapon that is capable of enslaving mankind. I do not wish to minimize the undeniable progress that this instrument represents, and I would pay tribute to the untiring efforts that made it possible, but the small countries all see clearly that the treaty consolidates the existing situation, and gives them no reliable safeguards against the risks to which they remain exposed. Although we have continually pointed out the dangers involved in the stockpiling of nuclear arms by the great Powers, we cannot give our endorsement to a treaty that ratifies this situation and makes us completely dependent on the nuclear Powers. 80. Thus the past year had led to increased international tension, new threats to the security of nations and new inroads on freedom. Nor has there been any progress in solving the problems inherited from earlier years. The present system of alliances has a strange resemblance to a system of war. Each bloc has its part to play, its function to perform; yet in the third world is something very different from the antagonism that freezes those blocs in their respective positions, a fund of healthy energy that could usefully be employed in the service of justice and peace. One tragedy follows another in the world, further increasing the existing tension—in Viet-Nam, southern Africa and the Middle East. 81. The war continues to rage in Viet-Nam; clearly, of all the ambitions of a State, the deadliest for world peace today is that which ultimately reflects only an undue desire for vain glory and a false greatness. For what real greatness could the power of the United States of America win from undertaking to subdue by force of arms the invincible resistance of the people of Viet-Nam? What glory would crown this tragic enterprise if the Viet-Namese people became the victims of a real act of genocide and were wiped out? No, there is no self-interest, no cause or political philosophy that can account for aggression. Yet while brute force certainly confers neither right nor reason, it is to be feared that the justifications for the war have been carried to the point where it is no longer possible to stop the consequences. But peace cannot be decided by armed conflict, any more in this terrible affair than in any other. The desire to win and impose one’s will on an opponent solely through the rule of force can never guarantee military success. 82. The Viet-Nam problem seems to be bogged down in the interminable negotiations in Paris, which we had all welcomed with relief, hoping that they would soon lead to the satisfactory peace so long awaited by the whole world. The war goes on with renewed vigour, and the briefly glimpsed prospects of a solution have once again been relegated to an uncertain future. It is now clear that nothing positive can be achieved in the quest for peace as long as the acts of aggression against the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam continue and the United States maintains its bombing of that country. No parallel can be drawn between the responsibilities of a small State defending itself against foreign aggression and those of a great Power mounting a military intervention in a territory that does not belong to it, against a people who wish freely to decide their own destiny. 83. For the African continent the age of colonial domination is still a living reality. Yet this vast region of the world which, throughout the nineteenth century was the cockpit for the rivalries of Europe, and was subjected to systematic exploitation by colonialists from all sides, believed that its hour of freedom had come. As most of the African countries had regained their independence, a new African world should have emerged, developing on the basis of its own values, so long unrecognized, and its natural wealth, until then plundered by foreign monopolies. These hopes were short-lived, because the evidence soon showed that colonialism was still using force to maintain its position in Africa. The most blatant challenge, not only to Africa but to the entire international community, is the policy pursued by Portugal. It might well be asked how Portugal, a small country with few resources, can sustain a war effort that seems out of all proportion to its capacity. Although the condemnations of the Security Council have been of scant effect, the resistance of the peoples of Mozambique, Angola and Guinea (Bissau) will prevail in the end over Portuguese domination. Until then the world community can derive no credit from the continuance of this out-dated colonialism, which holds cheap all the principles on which that community hoped to found a new international society. 84. Although the General Assembly has already had occasion to reaffirm that it is legitimate for colonial peoples to exercise freely their right to self-determination and independence, the United Nations is still being defied in Southern Rhodesia. The main responsibility undoubtedly lies with the United Kingdom, and it was at the prompting of that country that the Security Council refused to consider armed intervention, and decided to apply only economic sanctions. Perhaps it is now time to recognize, as all the countries of Africa have done, that these sanctions are ineffective, and adopt a vigorous policy against the Ian Smith regime, more in keeping with the condemnation voiced by the Security Council. The fact that this demand has been repeated year after year in no way detracts from its validity, and the ineffectiveness of the threats of economic pressure makes it even more justified. 85. The same verdict applies to the attitude of South Africa, both for its maintenance of the policy of apartheid and as regards South West Africa. We are forced to admit that the unanimous condemnations of South Africa by the United Nations have been useless. One thing is certain; insurrection will always provide a good way out for oppressed peoples. 86. To turn to another part of Africa, the attempted secession in Nigeria has aroused a wide variety of reactions in the world While we share the humanitarian concern for the sufferings endured by the population, we cannot forget that the original cause was the attempted secession, which unleashed civil war in Nigeria. This humanitarian aspect of the problem, which we as Africans feel most deeply, must not obscure the political aspect, which is essentially that there was a serious attack on the unity of an African country, and on its territorial integrity. That is why the Organization of African Unity took a clear stand against this secession movement. Having an essential interest in this African problem, the Organization of African Unity is trying to find a satisfactory political solution, and to spare the population as much as possible of the suffering and misery that inevitably accompany civil war anywhere in the world. Our attitude is in accord with the principle of the unity and territorial integrity of States, which is one of the cornerstones of the Charter of Addis Ababa. Foreign intervention under the guise of humanitarian aid is intended only to aggravate the crisis and stir up trouble in the African continent. We must be on our guard against such intervention, whose motives and aims we fully appreciate, and we condemn it most strongly. The blameworthy sentimentality of certain purportedly humanitarian agencies, which can be said at best to be confusing disaffection with martyrdom, has almost certainly done Nigeria and Africa more harm than this hateful war. 87. If any proof were needed that aggression has become an accepted and profitable tool in international dealings, we only have to look at events in the Middle East. There we are confronted with a case of clear-cut, premeditated aggression; the aggressor continues to occupy territories which it has placed under its own administration in defiance of all the United Nations decisions, it has annexed the city of Jerusalem, and in the strength of its new position it wants to impose its will on the countries that are the victims of its aggression and impose its conditions on the international community. 88. In an attempt to arouse sympathy, Israel was at first depicted as a peaceful country, weak and surrounded by enemies, forced to make war to preserve its own existence. Its aggression was then supposed to be of a preventive nature, as if that were any justification. And because nazism made the Jews victims of a planned extermination — which we condemn — clever propaganda succeeded in turning to the account of a new fascist venture in Palestine the genocide that also exterminated tens of millions of innocents in the Soviet Union, Poland, and elsewhere. 89. Stripped of its cloak of sentimentality, the real situation can be seen complete. Israel’s colonialist nature is evident from its territorial annexations and its behaviour towards the international institutions. When the Arab countries call for condemnation of the aggression and withdrawal from the occupied territories, their attitude is founded on justice and international law. The international community cannot allow the present situation to continue without creating a precedent that may have incalculable consequences. 90. The fundamental problem, however, lies in the creation of Israel itself. While I do not wish to go into the history of this affair now, there is no doubt that the establishment of Israel in Palestine, a decision against the will of its inhabitants and of the Arab countries, led to a whole people being dispossessed of their homeland. Thus arose the serious problem of the Palestinian refugees and although the United Nations has tried to provide some relief from the humanitarian standpoint, it remains first and foremost a political issue. After all, is it at all conceivable that the Palestinian people can ever pronounce the claim to their lawful rights and yield before the fait accompli? Will they agree to abandon their country to strangers of various nationalities, and thus lose their own nationality? Israel was not founded on territories that were unruled, or unowned. Hence it is not surprising that there should be a patriotic campaign led by the Palestinian organizations, which can be classified as a genuine struggle for the liberation of their country. World opinion is not informed about the atrocities committed by the Israelis in their suppression of the Palestinian resistance, long before the aggression of June 1967. Only now that the resistance is hardening are those atrocities becoming known. But there as elsewhere, colonial repression, no matter how barbaric, can never halt a struggle supported by a broad popular movement and based on legitimate claims. Thus the problem of Israel will remain as long as the rights of the Palestinian people are flouted. That is why Israel will continue to pose a very serious threat to all the peoples of the Middle East, because this internal insecurity will encourage its aggressiveness towards its neighbours and nourish its expansionist designs. 91. We, ourselves shall continue to believe that, whatever the sacrifices to be made and the atrocities to be borne there can be no greater source of pride for any people than to fight aggression and die for freedom. And there can no longer be any doubt that the Palestinian people, who for over twenty years have been the living personification of human suffering, will one day be recognized as having epitomized the noblest virtues of human civilization, in their liberation struggle against Israel and against the perverseness of a certain sector of world opinion. Their inevitable victory will once again establish the invincibility of peoples who have resolved to live in dignity and will overthrow the rule of violence and oppression. 92. It is now unanimously agreed that one of the basic causes of tension in the world is the disparity between levels of economic development in different countries. It has already been pointed out that the gap between the rich and poor countries is widening dramatically, and that two thirds of mankind lives in poverty. Have the formerly colonized countries fully grasped the imperative need for them to strive against the under-development bequeathed by the colonial system, which was based on the exploitation of their wealth for the sole benefit of the occupying Power? Those countries were in a position of inferiority from the moment they attained independence, but they had to take their place at once in an international economic order designed to benefit the most favoured privileged nations. Thus one of the first demands of the young States has been for a revision of the international economic structure to bring it more into line with their interests. Moreover, the struggle against under-development, which they all had to undertake with ridiculously inadequate means, entailed aid from the most developed countries within the framework of international co-operation, and the United Nations Development Decade was proclaimed by our Organization to assist that activity. 93. Without wishing to belittle the efforts made by the United Nations in this area, it is no exaggeration to say that the industrial countries will refuse to make any real contribution to the war against under-development. Without such a commitment, every resolution and recommendation of all the bodies established for that purpose will remain a dead letter. Hence, the first step must be to remove certain constraints of a political nature. For example, it is absolutely pointless to discuss the item entitled "Permanent sovereignty over natural resources” unless there is general agreement on the need to safeguard and respect the sovereignty of States over all their resources. To state and reaffirm the principles of natural law is useful in so far as the will exists to apply them in practice. Consequently the time has now come for our Organization to concern itself with the application of the decisions it has adopted, for that, we believe, is one of the primary conditions for the success of the next Decade. 94. In that connexion, it is a great pity that the international solidarity which should have been displayed to make the United Nations Capital Development Fund operational has vanished into a limbo of destructive scepticism. The small countries must still rely on their own resources and their own determination in pursuing their development efforts. The developing countries must further strengthen their solidarity and, in the absence of any international effort associating the “haves” and the “have-nots”, increase their mutual aid by pooling their resources. The concept of international co-operation must be given a new meaning in every respect, especially as it is today in serious jeopardy. It is the economic and political imbalance in the world that must be regarded as the chief cause of the difficulties we are now encountering. 95. The movement towards economic integration in Eastern and Western Europe, as well as in North America, shows that it is in the interests of the advanced countries to help raise the purchasing power of the poorest regions. Even though this consideration is sufficient in itself, self-interest at least should induce the wealthy countries to undertake as a matter of reason and necessity the commitments they might refuse to make as a matter of international solidarity. The sound co-operation required can be based only on the notion of an international contract that excludes any bargaining on this or that aspect of the exchange, thus avoiding any risk of imbalance in the whole. To be effective, however, the application of such a sound and equitable notion of co-operation must not be hindered by the interplay of international financial mechanisms which, in our view, involve additional responsibilities for the principal trading States. The least advanced countries should be on their guard against the manoeuvres of which they are always the first victims. 96. While the theme that clearly runs through all the problems we have just mentioned is the cleavage that divides the world into great and small Powers, rich countries and poor countries, at least every country has its full and equal place in the General Assembly, whose foundling principle is the equality of States. It is not one of the lesser merits of the United Nations that it corrects, however slightly, the unequal distribution of responsibilities in international affairs. We take this opportunity of recording our attachment to this institution, which despite its imperfections, and the inadequacy of its resources is still the last line of defence against war and the supreme hope of mankind for the preservation of peace and the strengthening of international solidarity. Once again, however, it must be stated that the Organization will not be able to perform its functions properly until it takes on its true universal character. 97. The chances of peace will remain in the balance until the problem of the organization of the world has been correctly settled. The future of the United Nations still depends directly on the lasting structural reforms needed. which could ensure for the morrow a stable equilibrium for a new international order. The world has undergone far-reaching changes since the Charter was signed at San Francisco; the United Nations must adapt itself to this new order if it is not to be condemned to ineffectiveness. While its essential task is to make right triumph over might, or rather to put might at the service of right, it must not perpetuate the inequality that is based on material power. 98. The situation we have just described does not invite optimism. Though so many threats loom over him, man has never yearned more for peace. At a time when our civilization is reaching hitherto unimaginable heights, and we have so many means of ensuring human happiness, how can we allow the thirst for power and domination to condemn nations to poverty and ignorance, and deprive them of the vital sustenance of freedom? Would not solidarity among men then be but an empty word? Yet there is no denying that unless we rise above our narrow national interests and commit ourselves to complete and loyal co-operation, we shall all remain exposed to the threats of an uncertain future in which all our destinies are involved. 99. Each country represented here has formed an idea of its own contribution to the history of mankind. Before recognizing Algeria, you knew it as a country subscribing to the widely held belief that the law of nations should be upheld by all, for the benefit of all. For my country this belief has become an unalterable commitment, and thus it continues to hold that wisdom will prevail over violence and hatred, and that the will to live will induce the nations and their leaders to bar the road to war and to join together to improve their lot and that of future generations. 100. The combination of the lessons of experience and the imperatives of morality can lead to an objective hope; in so great and arduous a task there will be many difficulties, and inevitable shortcomings, but we shall have the faith of all who strive for a great future. That, in any case, is the fervent wish we express on behalf of the Algerian people and which is shared by all peace-loving peoples.