94. Sir, I greet the President, Mr. Arenales, in the name of the people and the Government of the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen, and congratulate him on his unanimous election to the office of President of the General Assembly at its twenty-third session. I wish him complete success in his work and hope that this session will allow him and the General Assembly to attain positive results for the benefit of mankind all over the world.
95. I greet also, with appreciation, his predecessor, His Excellency Corneliu Manescu, the President of the General Assembly at its twenty-second session which witnessed the establishment of our Republic and its accession to membership in the family of nations.
96. I wish also to express our appreciation and support for the sincere efforts which are being exerted by the Secretary-General in the cause of humanity, despite the challenges and difficulties that face him.
97. I take pleasure in welcoming, in the name of the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen, the membership in the United Nations of the newly independent State of Swaziland, as well as the independence of Equatorial Guinea, following the termination of foreign rule in those two countries and the liberation of two parts of the heroic African continent. We wish them every progress and prosperity. We look forward, as a nation which itself achieved its independence less than a year ago, and after a long armed struggle, to the membership of other nations remaining under the yoke of colonialism and racist minority rule as they liberate their territories and assume an honourable place in the sun. For we believe that the world we live in will not enjoy peace, stability or progress as long as there are oppressed and exploited nations and colonialist and imperialist States which still hold absolute power over the destinies of nations and the fate of peoples.
98. I feel honoured in extending appreciation and gratitude, on behalf of the people and Government of the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen, to all friendly Member States which welcomed us to the United Nations as a new Member and I pay special tribute to the President of the Republic of Chad for welcoming our membership in his speech delivered before the General Assembly on 7 October 1968 [1684th meeting].
99. I also feel pleased and honoured to be entrusted by my Government with the task of heading my country’s delegation to the twenty-third session to participate in its work and for the first time to take part in the name of the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen in the general debate of this Assembly. May I therefore, Mr. President, give a brief survey of conditions in the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen since independence. I shall not speak of the pre-independence period for I am confident that you are all aware of the various stages of the heroic struggle of our people, which culminated in the outbreak of armed popular revolution on 14 October 1963, under the leadership of the National Liberation Front.
100. The armed revolution came after our people had exhausted all peaceful ways and means in unsuccessful attempts to persuade the British colonialists to accede to the will of our people and to accept our right to self-determination and to the shaping of our own future. After a bitter struggle, during which the revolution spread out from the countryside until it swept the towns, our people achieved their great victory. They wrested their liberty, in whose cause thousands of martyrs were sacrificed, rid their land of the military and political vestiges of colonialism and liquidated the gigantic British military base in Aden, which had continuously threatened the independence and security of neighbouring Arab and African countries.
101. Our people also put an end to the reactionary puppet régimes of the Sultans, with which the British colonialists had worked with obstinate determination during the past ten years in order to bequeath them authority on departure. The British had intended to give the Territory a false independence which would guarantee the continuation of British influence and safeguard foreign economic and commercial interests in the country.
102. Our nation, small in population, rich in revolutionary spirit, firm in its belief in its legitimate right to a free and dignified life amongst the other countries of the world, realized its independence and established its Republic on 30 November 1967. At the beginning of last week, our nation celebrated the fifth anniversary of the 14th of October Revolution, for the first time as master of its own country and destiny, after having unified the country which had been torn and divided by the imperialists during their dark rule of 129 years, in which they sowed dissension, intensified ignorance and backwardness, spread deprivation and inflicted humiliation and indignity on our people.
103. The birth of the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen coincided with rapidly deteriorating and tense international circumstances. It came at a time when the Arab nation was passing through one of the darkest phases of its long and eventful history, following the execution by Israel, the base of imperialism in the Middle East, of the criminal expansionist scheme which it had been planning over the past twenty years and in particular since its participation in the tripartite aggression on Suez in 1956.
104. Our country has been suffering from the consequences of that aggression since independence, and particularly from the grievous economic losses caused by the fact that our economy depends to a large extent on the international port of Aden. We received no aid to compensate us for those great losses. Despite this, the victory of the revolution of Southern Yemen should be a clear proof of the morale of the Arabs. It confirms their ability to defeat their oppressors, put an end to aggression, liberate their land and restore their dignity. The victory of our revolution came also as a ray of light dispersing part of the darkness which had been clouding the horizon of humanity, proving to the world that the forces of good, freedom and peace cannot be suppressed, no matter how long the imperialist reactionary and racist shadows fall.
105. On their departure from our territory the British left us a heavy and onerous heritage — poor economic conditions, a tottering treasury, an excessively large and inefficient administrative structure in Aden as well as an administrative, cultural and health services vacuum in the countryside where the vast majority of the population of the Republic live.
106. The British colonialists left us a country divided into minute principalities, sultanates and sheikhdoms, with no means of communication except for a road or two, built for military purposes, and actually used in their drive to crush. the revolution. They left an under-developed society, suffering from misery, deprivation, ignorance and disease. They left us no productive agricultural or industrial projects on which the economy of the independent republic could be based. We inherited an economy of which more than 80 per cent depended on services. It was only natural that such an artificial economy was adversely affected by the closure of the Suez Canal as a result of last year’s Israeli aggression and the liquidation of the huge British military base and the services related to it. In addition, we inherited all the ill-effects of the destruction wrought by the British forces in urban and rural areas. During the four-year war of liberation they destroyed a number of villages in several areas including Radfan and Ihala where thousands of people were rendered homeless.
107. Britain aims at maintaining its old economic interests, while renouncing all its obligations and commitments declared before independence. it refuses to compensate the people cf Southern Yemen for the aforementioned destruction and for its exploitation and exclusive utilization cf the territory of the republic, its ports, air space and economic resources during its long period of occupation. Its refusal to pay compensation to our people, made during the last talks between its delegation and the Southern Yemen delegation, is aimed at stifling the free will of our people and toppling a progressive régime by precipitating the financial crisis which faces our people today. Thus Britain wrecked the financial talks of April and May of this year. The People’s Republic of Southern Yemen still holds Britain responsible for the economic under-development and deprivation of our country. We do not accept Britain’s argument that its declared prior commitment to pay 60 million pounds sterling over a period of three years after independence had been made only to the ousted puppet régime erected by Britain prior to independence. We maintain that Britain’s responsibility and commitments are to the people of the territory. The people should be at least partially compensated for all that Britain has long inflicted upon that country, so as to enable the present Government to tackle the extremely difficult economic and financial situation brought about by Britain’s financial and economic policy during the time of occupation — a situation which has been further aggravated by the reduction of local financial resources and by the increasing expenditures of the newly independent State. We therefore continue to demand that Britain should honour its obligations and respect its commitments to our people.
108. The historical phase through which the Southern Yemen revolution is passing places before the Government the following tasks:
(1) Defending and consolidating the revolution and the present progressive régime and their achievements;
(2) Maintaining political and military independence and achieving economic independence. Although we achieved political and military freedom by ending foreign rule, we are still in the process of ending the present dependent state of our economy, which is a remnant of economic colonialism;
(3) Crystailizing the true content of the revolution by making real and safeguarding the interests of the masses, to whom the revolution belongs;
(4) Building the country and achieving progress for our people, who have for too long suffered from misery and deprivation. This is to be done through the execution of the plans, projects and tasks in all fields laid down in the Ministerial Programme issued by the Government four months ago.
109. The popular revolution which, under the leadership of the National Front, had achieved complete political and military independence and established a revolutionary and progressive régime, will forge ahead to accomplish the aims of the people. It will continue its struggle by carrying arms in defence of the revolution and its achievements while further liquidating the evil vestiges of the previous dark régime, and will build an independent national economy.
110. Colonialism, world imperialism and reaction, which were defeated by our people during the fight for freedom, have not accepted defeat. They are resorting to conspiracies and drawing up plans and adopting new methods in order to bring about a new confrontation with the people and against the territory of the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen. They are even forming a new alliance of anti-revolutionary elements with the object of toppling the revolutionary régime by the following means: First, infiltration of counter-revolutionary elements from outside the Republic, in complicity with the old feudal rulers and ex-puppet ministers and reactionaries, backed by colonialism and world imperialism, motivated by their vested interests, to organize acts of subversion inside the Republic; secondly, endeavouring to implement the policy of engulfing the revolution by undermining the solidarity of the revolution and by accentuating minor divisions of opinion to the extreme, the object being to cause marginal conflicts within the revolution to divert its attention from facing the fundamental contradictions and the real enemies; hence to enable the reactionary and opportunistic elements to seize power and ally themselves with neo-colonialism; thirdly, by exerting economic pressures to prevent the revolutionary régime from acquiring real control of the national economy, freeing it from foreign domination and enabling it to enhance the welfare of the people.
111. The people, its political organization and Government of the Republic have been subjected to the above-mentioned neo-colonialist manoeuvres, old and new, since the first day of independence. Three months ago, our Republic was the target of an armed attempt, financed by imperialist and reactionary forces, to restore the pre-independence state of affairs. That attempt, however, was thwarted by our people and it was not allowed to be intensified or to exhaust our limited resources, which the enemies of the people do not want us to utilize for the welfare of our people.
112. I should like at this juncture to point to an ominous phenomenon of which the United Nations and, in particular, the peace-loving and progressive countries, should take careful note and towards which they should adopt a positive stand. This phenomenon is a natural result of the prevailing international situation and, more specifically in our area, the outcome of the unjust state of affairs in the Middle East, resulting from the Israeli aggression against the Arab countries. What has taken place and is still taking place in the Arab world is not simply a victory achieved by world imperialism and its base of aggression, Israel; it also achieved favourable and suitable conditions for the reactionary forces in the area, as well as in other parts of the world, to move from defensive to offensive positions against the progressive régimes. This, no doubt, presents a threat against the forces of progress and peace in the entire world. The United Nations and its peace-loving and progressive Members should take firm positions to support the progressive régimes in the Arab world and elsewhere in Asia, Africa and Latin America against this imperialistic and reactionary move. If that is not done, the next few months will witness a further deterioration in conditions which will endanger the peace and security of the world.
113. Despite the difficult conditions. through which our Republic is now passing and the conspiracies it faces, we believe that our people are capable of withstanding all challenges in a revolutionary spirit. It will overcome the present crisis with courage, relying on itself, its capabilities and resources, as well as on unconditional aid from friendly countries and the United Nations.
114. The policy of my Government with regard to foreign affairs can be summarized as follows:
(1) Adherence to the United Nations Charter and to international laws and conventions;
(2) Establishment of our relations with those countries with which we exchange diplomatic recognition and relations in accordance with the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-interference in the internal affairs of others, non-aggression, equality and mutual interest, and peaceful coexistence, as embodied in United Nations resolutions. And pursuant to these principles we harbour no ill-will, nor do we intend to cause any harm to anybody, and we expect to be treated likewise. We are not prepared to accept any attempts from any quarter infringing on our freedom and sovereignty;
(3) Adoption of the policy of non-alignment. We wish to emphasize at the same time, however, that we necessarily align ourselves with the forces of freedom against imperialism and colonialism;
(4) Support at all levels of liberation movements by nations struggling to rid themselves of the yoke of imperialism. We reject the policy of aggression and the application and expansion of spheres of influence being adopted by imperialist and colonialist forces;
(5) Opposition to the policy of racial discrimination everywhere in the world, and to the racist minority rule being practised against some African nations;
(6) Strengthening and prompting of positive relations with progressive and socialist countries and countries of the third world in all fields of common interest.
115. In the light of the broad lines of my Government’s foreign policy which I have described, I should like to deal with the major problems in the world and give my country’s point of view on matters that threaten the security and peace of the world and of humanity, and that turn our world community into a battleground torn by suspicion and swept by the lust of the world’s expansionist-imperialists. The non-progressive and non-peace-loving countries endeavour to cast our world community into a sea of intensive conflicts which, in the main, adversely affect the small nations striving to achieve self-sufficiency, justice and progress for their peoples, whose interests are usually jeopardized in such an extremely tense environment and the ever-impending risks of war that prevail in many regions of the world.
116. It is regrettable and painful indeed that the Middle East crisis created by Israeli aggression against three Arab countries, Members of the United Nations, more than sixteen months ago remains without any successful action by the United Nations to end the Israeli occupation of the west bank of the Jordan and Arab Jerusalem; Gaza and Sinai of the United Arab Republic; and the Golan Heights of the Syrian Arab Republic. What is more serious and bitter is that, despite the dangerous and precarious existing situation, the General Assembly and the Security Council are still unable to solve the problem of the people of Palestine whose land the Zionist Israeli forces occupy and who were expelled from their homes more than twenty years ago.
117. It is indeed ironical that Israel, the aggressor backed by international imperialism headed by the United States of America and World Zionism, brags about peace when it has expelled hundreds of thousands of the Palestinian Arabs and continues to this day to carry out acts of murder against the Arabs of occupied Palestine and the occupied Arab territories. It destroys village after village, expelling their inhabitants to the east bank of the Jordan, or what has remained of Jordan, before the eyes and ears of the world. Israel, the aggressor, challenges international public opinion and tramples on the resolutions of the Security Council and the resolutions of the world Organization and continues in its expansionist policy of annexing Arab territories which it occupied in its aggressive war of June 1967. Their representative comes, time and again, to stand before the representatives of the people of the world to cry for peace and to proclaim the desire of Israel to establish peace. At the same time, it continues in all its actions to destroy every international effort to achieve peace, and persists in putting obstacles in the way of Ambassador Jarring, whose sincere efforts and rare devotion deserve our appreciation.
118. It is no longer a secret that up to this moment Israel refuses to implement Security Council resolution 242(1967), and what was stated by its Foreign Minister proves this without the shadow of a doubt. For Israel, as stated by its Foreign Minister, accepts the call of the Security Council for promoting agreement to establish peace, but accords that resolution its own special interpretation which nullifies the basis of the resolution. And no doubt Members have noticed the Israeli Minister mentioned the word peace more than seventy times, while his speech did not once mention the withdrawal of the Israeli troops from the occupied Arab territories which formed the cornerstone of the Security Council resolution.
119. I do not think I need go into the details of the barbaric deeds practised by Israel against the Palestinian people and the Arabs in the occupied lands of the three Arab countries, for to my knowledge the Assembly is fully aware of it and of the extent of the Israeli expansionist policy which constitutes a threat to the security and peace of the Middle East and of the whole world. I shall therefore only point out fundamental points of extreme danger which we must all realize and must not allow any outside influences to cause us to ignore.
120. The tragedy of Palestine, more than twenty years ago, imposed upon the Arab world a foreign and alien presence which came into being as a result of the concerted efforts of certain world Powers as well as a combination of outside political factors not related in any way to the Middle East. The Palestine calamity struck at a time when the Arab countries were under the foreign domination of Western colonial Powers. The establishment of Israel in the Arab world came about as a result of a criminal war of annihilation against the Arab population of Palestine and the expulsion of about 2 million Palestinian Arabs from their homeland. That was done to honour a promise made by a British politician early in the century to cut out and give part of the Arab lands as a present to the Jews. Since then the Middle East has been living under threats from Israel to the security and stability of its peoples. Israel had been created as a base of aggression against the Arab peoples, who began after the last World War to end the nightmare of foreign occupation and to develop their countries so as to enable their people to catch up with the march of progress and civilization which the Arabs had once led but in recent centuries lagged behind. The Arab countries have been compelled to set aside huge portions of their budgets, which they can ill afford, to defend themselves against Israeli aggression and the expansion which the very nature of the existence of Israel makes inevitable. As a consequence, their efforts to achieve prosperity and progress have been hampered.
121. The June aggression of last year was not the first Israeli aggression against the Arab nation, but it was the worst since the usurpation of Arab Palestine. Israel’s acts of aggression have continued throughout the past twenty years and a notable example was its participation in the aggression against Suez in 1956. It has become evident to anyone who seeks the truth and upholds justice that the Arab countries from the forties until the present have been the victims of aggression and that it is their territories which have been subjected to occupation.
122. The failure of the world Organization to impose its resolutions, which reflect international will on Israel since 1948 casts dark shadows on the future of this world Organization. The Arab peoples had and still have great confidence in the United Nations, not the least demonstration of which is the fact that the Palestinian people, who have suffered misery, humiliation and deprivation in the refugee camps for over twenty years, still look to the world Organization — which took part in the creation of Israel — for help to regain their usurped rights, especially their legitimate right of return to their homeland. The Palestinians do not wish a continuation of their present condition, which constitutes an outrageous violation of human rights and an unmitigated disgrace to humanity. The Palestinian people want to return to their usurped homeland and to achieve this they have every right to use whatever means they deem fit. The Palestinian resistance movement against Israeli imperialism must go on and must grow to become a nation-wide war of liberation aiming at the restoration of the rights to their legitimate owners. All peoples of the world who love peace, freedom and progress should regard the struggle of the Palestinian people in the same way as they view all other honourable liberation movements in the entire world. They should accord it support and help. And the United Nations should support it, as it supports other national liberation movements.
123. As we attempt to deal with the dangerous situation created by the continued occupation by Israel of the Arab territories after its war of aggression in June last year, we must not forget that the basic issue is that of the Palestinian people, most of whom have now become refugees. Any settlement or other measure which offers only a partial solution and ignores the question of the Palestinian people cannot achieve permanent peace and security in the Middle East. And I want to stress here that any solution to the Palestinian problem must be determined by the Palestinian people alone. No other party has that right.
124. The Security Council resolution 242 (1967) cannot be regarded as the proper formula guaranteeing the restoration of Arab Palestinian rights, which have been usurped since 1948. At best it constitutes the very minimum of what the world Organization should undertake to rebuff the Israeli aggression. Despite these considerations the resolution has been accepted by the. Arab countries concerned because of their belief in peace. In spite of all these facts Israel still refuses to comply and displays, time and again, its evil intentions to keep the present explosive situation in the Middle East unchanged, taking no heed of the consequences of its arrogant and extremely dangerous policy.
125. The Government of the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen, like all other peace-loving, free and progressive countries, denounces and condemns Israel’s continued aggression and its insistence on reaping the fruits of aggression at the expense of the Palestinian peoples and the peoples of the three Arab countries, parts of whose lands it continues to occupy. I believe that this session offers the United Nations an opportunity which may not occur again, to preserve the principles of the Charter which we uphold, but which are trampled upon by some countries, including Israel as well as the big Powers which stand behind Israel.
126. We consider that the absolute and unequivocal support, including financial and military assistance, given Israel by the United States constitutes a hostile policy against our peoples, who struggle to preserve their freedom and sovereignty over their territories. There can be no more obvious proof of the deliberate obstruction and frustration of the work of the world Organization, and the work of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General in the Middle East, than the impossible situations which the United States constantly creates. The most recent example is its intention to supply Phantom jet fighters to Israel to use in destroying peaceful Arab towns and villages and to help her persist in her defiance of international public opinion and in trampling underfoot the principles which we all uphold and safeguard as members in this international Organization.
127. This last American action can only be interpreted as encouragement and incitement to further aggression. Despite these circumstances, the Secretary of State of the United States spoke before this Assembly of the great misery and tragedy which the Middle East has suffered in this generation, and announced his country’s desire to establish peace in the Middle East. Yet we know, as does the whole world, that without the support of the United States and that of certain other countries, together with world Zionism, Israel would not have dared launch the 5th of June war of aggression, nor would it have risked the continuation of aggression. What is more, Israel would not have, continued its preparations for further onslaughts to conquer and occupy additional Arab territory with which to create a Zionist, racist empire as the counterpart in the Middle East of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia in Africa.
128. One of the tragedies which continues to beset our generation is the subjection of the destinies and national interests of smaller nations to those of the larger ones, and in some cases the fate of smaller nations has to await the outcome of purely domestic matters pertaining to a great Power. As an example I refer to the views currently expressed in some diplomatic circles at the United Nations to the effect that all efforts to establish peace in the Middle East cannot achieve any positive results until after the American elections, notwithstanding the fact that the results of the elections will not change the substance of American foreign policy so long as Zionist economic interests and influence continue to affect America’s economic and political institutions. One sometimes wonders whether the solution to international problems should be sought at the United Nations or in the State Department. I would not be overstating the facts if I say that the United Nations is facing in this session, more so than at any time in the past, a test of its viability and ability to play the role for which it was created. The question for the United Nations is very clear by now, namely, “to be or not to be". The kind of being I envisage for the United Nations is not a mere nominal existence, devoid of any substance and effectiveness, which benefits only some States intent on exploiting the existing worsening international situation and wishing to see the United Nations weak. Rather, I would like it to be the positive, creative and noble institution that the peoples of our planet would want it to be.
129. The current session provides another historic opportunity for all members of the world community to resist economic and political pressures exercised by some of the great Powers, which are aimed at frustrating the United Nations from carrying out its noble objectives. We should all work together, inspired by the spirit of international co-operation to strengthen the United Nations, not on the bases desired by non-peace-loving countries that oppose freedom and progress, but on the new bases dictated by the fundamental changes in the structure, composition and functions of the United Nations that have been taking place since its inception.
130. To conclude my statement about the crises of humanity in the Middle East, I should like to summarize the position of my Government with regard to this vital matter. The People’s Republic of Southern Yemen:
(1) Affirms the position of its sister Arab States in their demand and insistence on the immediate withdrawal, complete and unconditional, of the Israeli forces from all the territories under its occupation. Not one inch of Arab territory should remain occupied;
(2) Considers illegal any administrative or other measures taken or that might be taken by Israel with regard to Arab Jerusalem or any other occupied Arab territories;
(3) Reaffirms the indisputable and inalienable right of the Palestinian refugees to return to their homeland, as has been repeatedly confirmed by the United Nations during the last twenty years;
(4) Condemns all aggressive acts committed and still being committed by Israel against the Arab States and in particular the repeated, barbaric raids against Jordan;
(5) Condemns all aggressive acts being conducted by Israeli authorities in Gaza and Sinai in the United Arab Republic, the western bank in Jordan and the Golan Heights of Syria. We uphold the right of the Palestinian peoples to resist the Israeli aggression and occupation, and to restore their usurped homeland;
(6) Condemns all Israeli measures to expel the Arab peoples from their homeland;
(7) Rejects Israel’s demand for direct negotiations and adheres to the principles of the Arab Summit Conference held at Khartoum from 29 August to 1 September 1967.
131. Also, in case Israel refuses to withdraw from the occupied Arab territories or in the event of new acts of aggression, the whole Arab nation, peoples and governments, would, in the view of my Government, confront the aggressor not only with a regular war but also by a popular war of liberation to restore the usurped Arab rights and territories.
132. And if Israel persistently refuses the implementation of the Security Council resolution 242 of 22 November 1967, the Security Council should then take more effective measures to implement this resolution and other United Nations resolutions dealing with Palestine and the Middle East.
133. I should now like to state the position of my Government on another serious problem, which has preoccupied our world for many years. I am referring to the criminal war in Viet-Nam waged by the United States of America against the Democratic People’s Republic of Viet-Nam. It is causing the extermination of the heroic Viet-Namese people and the destruction of their crops and all that their people have built in their country. It has led to the perpetration of the worst kinds of crimes against humanity. All that is held sacred.by the human soul has been trampled underfoot. Yet, it seems rather strange that this ugly and tragic war should receive no attention from the United Nations.
134. We condemn this aggressive war that is being waged by the strongest Power on earth, using hundreds of thousands of soldiers and the most deadly weapons in an attempt to crush the will of a small nation. The United States is also trying to impose internal changes in Viet-Nam by force under the very eyes of world public opinion. My Government demands that this aggressive war be terminated immediately and that the Viet-Namese people be left alone to decide their own destiny and future. The heroic Viet-Namese people, having proved their ability to resist aggression and work for the final victory, are best qualified to determine their own future.
135. We call also for the immediate cessation of the bombing of North Viet-Nam. This policy has proved its failure to undermine the will of the people. The billions of dollars that are being squandered on mass destruction could be better spent for the good of humanity, to provide food for the millions who are suffering from hunger and starvation, and to provide a dignified life for all. I declare here my Government’s support for the heroic struggle of the Viet-Namese people against American colonialism and intervention. My country associates itself with all those who believe that an end must be put immediately to this mass massacre.
136. This position of my Government is in line with its declared policy of support for all wars of liberation by peoples struggling against imperialism and neo-colonialism. We are only a small nation that has struggled for and suffered great sacrifices in life and property to realize this cause. We have suffered from foreign domination and experienced all its evils. Therefore, we cannot but give our wholehearted support to all peoples struggling to liberate their lands from colonialism, both old and new. Hence it is only natural that we should support the struggle of the Palestinian people to regain their usurped homeland. We also support the struggle cf the peoples of Oman and Dhofar to put an end to the last vestiges of imperialism in the Arab homeland. We consider the continued presence of British forces of occupation on our eastern border in Muscat and Oman as a direct threat to our security and to the stability of the region.
137. We also support the struggle of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America to rid themselves of foreign rule and to liquidate foreign military bases everywhere. As in previous sessions, the United Nations should continue to take positive steps towards decolonization and ensuring the right of self-determination to all peoples whose destinies are still in the hands of foreign Powers. In the second half of the twentieth century no country should have such powers over any other country or be allowed to continue to subjugate other peoples. It is in the interest of the imperialist Powers themselves to realize before it is too late that force is no longer effective in the face of the determination of the people to achieve their just hopes and aspirations.
138. We also support the heroic Korean people and its right to the freedom and unity of its territory. All foreign troops in South Korea, serving under the disguise of the United Nations flag, should be withdrawn to enable the Korean people to exercise self-determination and achieve unity by their own free will and in complete freedom from any foreign interference and influence.
139. The anachronistic Portuguese imperialism in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) should come to an end. It is indeed an abnormal phenomenon that such a weak and small nation as Portugal should continue in revolutionary Africa to hold an empire that is out of all proportion to its size and resources. In this connexion we strongly deplore the support given by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to Portugal. We also condemn the South African racist minority rule in Namibia, or South West Africa, as it used to be called. Eighty resolutions have been passed by the United Nations since the question of the future status of South West Africa was first raised in 1946 [65 (I)]. We call for the implementation of those resolutions, in particular General Assembly resolutions 2145 (XXI) and 2248 (S-V) of 1966 and 1967 respectively. The General Assembly should recommend that the Security Council immediately take effective measures to enable Namibia to achieve its independence. We regard the continued occupation of Namibia by South Africa after June of this year as an act of aggression that constitutes a threat to international peace and security.
140. Among the worst evils of the decades of imperialism have been the establishment of racist minorities on the African continent as well as in the Middle East as represented by the case of Israel. I have just made it clear that the Government of the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen opposes the policy of racial discrimination in all parts of the world, including that practised by the racist minority régimes in South Africa and Southern Rhodesia. Therefore we strongly condemn the policy of apartheid practised by South Africa against the predominant African population. We also oppose and condemn the creation of separate tribal reservations, the so-called bantustans, for African and coloured peoples. We believe that the continued membership of South Africa in the United Nations gives a bad name to our Organization. We hereby warn this racist clique, whose actions discredit the human race, to desist from their foolish policies before the African giant loses patience and removes from his continent all trace of those who believe in racial segregation, which stands condemned by humanity as a governmental policy to oppress the rightful owners of the land.
141. In Southern Rhodesia — Zimbabwe as it should be called — the illegal Smith racist régime has been defying the Charter of the United Nations for almost three years. The Zimbabwe leaders are thrown into prisons, nationalists are murdered and a white settler minority forcibly imposes its rule over the brave Zimbabwe people. Britain must realize that it continues to be responsible for the people of Zimbabwe. Although the policy of economic sanctions against the Smith régime has failed to make the slightest change in the situation, Britain, which is still the legal authority in Southern Rhodesia, refuses to use force to ensure respect for the basic human rights of the majority of the population of Zimbabwe.
142. There is no justification whatsoever for the continued subjugation of the rights and interests of the majority to those of the minority. We feel that the use of force by Britain to terminate the rebellion in Southern Rhodesia, if accompanied by the necessary practical steps, would prevent the massacres that are bound to occur if the present situation continues. it is true that such a circumstance would cause tremendous losses in life and property among the Africans but it would inevitably mean the end of the racist minority régime. Britain must live up to its moral responsibility. It should stop courting the illegal Salisbury régime. The situation may explode at any moment if it is left without a speedy and drastic solution. We do not want to see in Southern Rhodesia a repetition of the Palestine tragedy. Twenty years ago Britain abandoned its responsibilities in Palestine and allowed the Zionist-racist régime to secure its hold on an Arab land, to usurp that land and expel its people without any right or justice. Any solution that would not give Zimbabwe to its true African people would result in bloodshed in al! of Central Africa. The imperialist countries should stop collaborating with the racist régimes in Africa and should not oppose the gallant African will, which should be supreme in its continent.
143. Allow me now to speak about a subject which as been discussed repeatedly for the past twenty years; one in which the United Nations has incapacitated itself by not permitting the People’s Republic of China to secure its status and privileges in the Security Council and be on an equal footing with the other permanent Powers. It has been the honour of the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen to sponsor, along with other progressive and peace-loving countries, a draft resolution calling for the membership of the People’s Republic of China. The family of nations will not be complete without the membership and active participation of the People’s Republic of China in the affairs of the world community. We, for our part, have opened diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China. Once again the United States will try to deprive the United Nations of the membership of the People’s Republic of China by exercising its diplomatic and economic influence upon some of the Members of this Organization. This session gives another opportunity to the Members of the United §Nations to free themselves from any foreign pressures by voting of their own free will. Then one could sincerely believe the often repeated statement from this rostrum that the United Nations is the reflection of the will of its Members.
144. Among the items under discussion at the last session, which were on the whole frustrating, one could say that partial success was achieved with regard to the non-proliferation Treaty. This Treaty should be a sincere step in the direction of world peace and human security against the dangers of nuclear weapons. The People’s Republic of Southern Yemen has voted in favour of this Treaty along with the overwhelming majority in the United Nations. We voted in favour of the Treaty in spite of the fact that the security measures mentioned in the articles of the Treaty and in the subsequent Security Council resolution were inadequate. It is the opinion of my Government that the nuclear Powers should renounce the use or threat of the use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon States which have renounced their acquisition or production and have prohibited nuclear weapons in their territory. It is but fair that the nuclear Powers should reciprocate. The nuclear Powers should also renounce the use of nuclear weapons against each other. Serious discussions concerning the cessation of the arms race and total nuclear disarmament should soon be conducted. The non-nuclear-weapon States should not be deprived of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. In order to reduce the gulf between the developed and developing nations, the latter nations must have every access to all technical developments with regard to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, without any discrimination and at minimum costs. My Government hopes that the final document [A/7277] of the Conference of Non-Nuclear-Weapon States that took place in Geneva from 29 August to 28 September 1968 is worth considering at the present session of the General Assembly.
145. Undoubtedly, the United Nations and its specialized agencies could play a larger role in the social, cultural and economic fields leading to the betterment of the developing countries and this world of ours. With regard to this point, I would like to mention that the United Nations and its agencies should offer help to these countries that need it most and not those that are better off. Administrative and other essential elements concerning projects should be simplified and limited to the absolute minimum requirements. The aim to obtain complete and thorough research studies should not be the paramount goal, as much as to help the recently independent and small nations.
146. Many of the Member States have declared that the first United Nation’s Development Decade was not as successful as it was hoped to be. The experience gained from it, however, should be utilized to improve the effectiveness of the second development decade. In the first place, the prices of raw materials produced in the developing countries have remained steady during the first Development Decade, and in some cases have even fallen. On the other hand, the prices of manufactured products have increased, in some cases almost five times, during the same period. This, evidently, will serve the interests of the technologically advanced countries at the expense of the developing countries. This anomaly must be changed in the second development decade by taking into greater consideration the interests of the developing countries. Secondly, the advanced countries must show their sincerity in participating in the development of the emerging countries by relaxing their strict tariff and custom policies on imports from developing countries. Thirdly, the industrialized countries should try to reach the objective of contributing one per cent of their gross national product into a development fund to expedite development in the emerging countries. It should be realized by all that the small percentage mentioned is an obligation on the part of the industrialized countries rather than a gift. The sincere contributions offered by Sweden are worthy of our respect and should be an example to others.
147. As the industrialized countries are making their own economic cartels to further their economic interests, more assistance to developing countries should also be offered. The developing nations should increase their co-operation and co-ordination and establish strong ties based on the varied interests among themselves. They should also impose and follow a sound, well-studied system of economic planning in order to obtain the best results for their efforts.
148. This year, the twentieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, has been designated by the General Assembly as the International Year for Human Rights. We celebrate this occasion and also the historic Teheran Conference held from 22 April to 13 May 1968 which was the culmination of efforts, against all forms of racial discrimination, to uphold the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Geneva Conventions relating to occupied territories in case of war. After having considered, earlier in my statement, the problems confronting our world today, one may conclude that there is still a long way ahead before we reach the fulfilment of human rights. Hence, we consider it the duty of all Member States to be more concerned and to make more sincere efforts to achieve this noble objective and avoid what would otherwise disgrace humanity.
149. In the light of the Teheran Conference resolutions, it deserves to be noted here that Israel has refused the recommendation to accept a representative of the Secretary-General to investigate the racial discrimination against the Arab peoples in the territories under occupation after the aggression by Israel on 5 June 1967. These Arabs are now tortured and humiliated by the occupying Israeli forces. Once again, Israel gives further evidence of disrespect for and disregard of fundamental human rights.
150. In conclusion, in spite of the limited success of the United Nations in peace-making, and its failure to adhere to the true principles of the Charter for the last twenty-two years, the United Nations still remains the last hope of millions all round the world. All Member States must respect the principles of the Charter, strictly adhere to them and determine to make this world Organization a reflection of peace and brotherhood. Then, and only then, could we hope to banish disease, hunger, ignorance and war from our planet. Succeeding generations could live in peace and prosperity, and look buck on us with respect and admiration for our courageous efforts and noble purpose to achieve peace and prosperity, not for a single country but for humanity at large.