1. May I be allowed, first, to join the many speakers who have preceded me in expressing to Mr. Arenales the heartfelt congratulations of my delegation on his election to the high post of President of the General Assembly at its twenty-third session. His election is an expression of the high regard the representatives have for his own personal qualities and of the esteem in which his country and people are held. It is my delegation’s hope that he will continue to shoulder the challenge of this position with the same ability and distinction which the last few meetings of the Assembly have amply shown.
2. It is also my pleasant duty to express the unqualified appreciation of my delegation to the outgoing President, the Honourable Mr. Manescu, Foreign Minister of Romania, for his able helmsmanship of what, in my delegation’s view, was a difficult ship to steer on a straight course. My country may not have agreed with everything which the twenty-second session of the General Assembly adopted by majority vote, but this in no way detracts from my delegation’s belief that it was largely through the sense of purpose with which Mr. Manescu applied himself to the great task entrusted to him that that session of the Assembly achieved the measure of success it did.
3. It is with a sense of honour that my delegation today takes this opportunity to welcome the achievement of independence by our sister African nations of Swaziland and Equatorial Guinea. I therefore take this opportunity to convey to the Governments and peoples of Swaziland and Equatorial Guinea our heartfelt congratulations. It is our belief and earnest hope that this newly won independence will naturally be a stepping-stone for the achievement of bigger victories towards development and progress, and for the consolidation of the freedom and unity of Africa. In the same vein we welcome the membership of Swaziland in this Organization, and we are warmly awaiting the membership of Equatorial Guinea.
4. The inherent weaknesses of this international forum are, however, demonstrated by the agenda of this meeting and, even more clearly, by the events of the past months. In fact, my delegation has been forced to the conclusion that it is the deliberate policy of the powerful world States to limit the power and effectiveness of the United Nations. Yet we believe that, even from their own point of view, they are making a mistake in manoeuvring to keep this Organization weak; for world peace is in the interest of all of us, whether we be small or large, and the principles upon which this Organization is based are the best hope for world peace.
5. My delegation would therefore like to add our appeal to that of the President and call for all Member States to give their unreserved support to the United Nations. Let all of us work steadfastly and persistently towards strengthening this world forum and increasing its powers. I can certainly assure this Assembly that Tanzania will do everything within its power to that end. We recognize that there is no other instrument of international peace even as effective as this. Even now, weak as it is on major international issues, the United Nations provides a forum where we can hope to make our voice heard on international questions. And we know that only through the implementation of the principles upon which the United Nations is based can countries like Tanzania hope to survive and grow in peace.
6. Yet the United Nations must act. My delegation has to express its deep sense of outrage that at the twenty-third session the General Assembly is still considering the question of colonialism. This pernicious system should by now have been relegated to the memoirs of historians and anthropologists; by now this Assembly should be considering the constructive tasks of world development. Yet, despite the fact that the United Nations has been celebrating the twentieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, colonialism and racialism still exist. Even worse, the representatives of colonialist nations still listen annually to the demands for human freedom, and respond by paying lip service to the principles of human equality. It was in 1960 that this Organization adopted the historic Declaration contained in resolution 1514 (XV). Since that time, many nations in Africa — including Tanzania — have achieved their freedom. But, in many other countries, oppression has been intensified, and the shackles of colonialism have been tightened. Even in some countries which are technically independent, the forces of neo-colonialism and racialism have increased their power.
7. The position of Tanzania is quite clear on this issue. We uphold the fundamental doctrine of the equality of man, regardless of race, colour, religion, sex or creed. We maintain that only when this human equality is accepted, and implemented, by all the Governments of the world will peace be secure—or even justified. It is not enough that the representatives of powerful countries should come to this Assembly and assert their belief in equality. We accept the sincerity of these individuals. But it is not their words which matter; it is the actions of their Governments. And the truth is that it is hypocrisy for a national representative to assert his country’s support for the doctrine of human equality, while that same country is supporting — or even practising — colonialism and racialism.
8. My delegation is well aware that the representative of South Africa at the United Nations does not pretend to support the principles of racial equality. That representative could hardly do so while the entire policies of his country are based on the iniquitous evil of apartheid. Indeed, our only surprise is that South Africa should continue to be a member of an organization which has accepted human equality and dignity as its basic principle.
9. But the evils of apartheid and the evils of colonialism could not exist if the words spoken in this Assembly and elsewhere by the representatives of powerful nations were indicative of a real determination on the part of those nations. For who maintains colonialism? Who is it that dominates small nations and humiliates the coloured masses of the world? If the United Kingdom, the United States of America, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Republic of France really decided that colonialism and
neo-colonialism should end, what would stop its ending? They have only to decide, and to stop their own colonialism and neo-colonialism, and the problem will be virtually solved. They have only to decide to support this Assembly in its condemnation of apartheid in South Africa and that policy will be defeated.
10. Yet this does not happen. Year after year we listen to words condemning racialism. Meeting after meeting this Assembly passes resolutions condemning colonialism. And both continue. This can be so only because those nations which have the power to desist from colonial practices do not wish to do so. It can occur only because the powerful nations of the world care less about racialism than about maintaining their own dominance and their own privilege. Through you, Mr. President, I beg them to think of the consequences of what they are doing; the consequences to themselves and to all of us. For if racialism triumphs it will not be the majority of peoples of the world who will be its only, or its ultimate, victims. The nations of Africa, Asia and Latin America can be dominated now by those of Europe and North America, but this will not continue indefinitely. Either we all fight for human equality now, and for national freedom now, or the whole world will be engulfed in the chaos and misery of human conflict and degradation.
11. For it is essential that one thing should be quite clearly realized. The colonial peoples, and the coloured peoples in particular, cannot. and will not accept a second-class citizenship in the world. We shall never accept national and individual humiliation. The fight for freedom has begun: we have begun it. The only question which remains is whether blood is to be spilt, and how much. And that question is not for us to answer. We do not want to fight and to kill. But we must and we will have freedom and human justice. Members of the United Nations have, in words, accepted our right to these things. They now have to decide whether to honour their words or to fight against the things they say they believe in.
12. Recent history is not encouraging to those of us who value human life as we value human liberty. The tragic history of Zimbabwe has been fully discussed in the United Nations. And, at every turn, the full responsibility for the present situation there has been laid squarely on the shoulders of the British Government. Indeed, successive British Governments have claimed this responsibility: for many years they refused to allow the United Nations to intervene and did their best to prevent the situation from even being discussed in this Assembly. Even now the British Government comes to the United Nations only for assistance in policies it has already decided upon.
13. Let us be quite clear what this means. It was the systematic policy of creating so-called “native reserves” within Southern Rhodesia which created the racist white settler community. It was the systematic pursuit of a cheap labour policy which allowed the growth of oligopolistic capitalist exploitation by an immigrant community. it was a combination of deceit and force which led to the exploitation of Zimbabwe’s minerals for the benefit of capitalists of Britain, America, and South Africa. It was the systematic denial of human rights to the African people which led to the establishment of a white-minority Government in Rhodesia. It was the subsequent transfer to that minority Government of all the instruments of military force which led to the final usurpation of power by the settler minority under the tyrannical flag of white supremacy. And all of these things, except the last, have been done by, or under the protection of, the successive British Governments. These are the things for which the British Government is being held responsible, and for which it is even claiming responsibility. The final declaration of independence by the illegal régime in that area is the culmination of a series of events for which Britain, and no one else, is responsible.
14. The United Republic of Tanzania has been, and still is, deeply concerned at the situation which exists in Zimbabwe. We are concerned much less about the legality or illegality of the Ian Smith minority régime than we are about that continuation of colonialism and racialism which its existence represents. The continuation, and indeed the intensification, of racialism and colonialism in Rhodesia in recent years is now an active and positive threat to the safety and integrity of neighbouring African States. Further, it represents an expansion of the apartheid doctrine of South Africa, and is in fact part of a deliberate design to protect and perpetuate the forces of racialism in South Africa against the liberation struggle of its people. Tanzania, and all supporters of human dignity and freedom, must be concerned about this.
15. Yet what has been the reaction of the British Government? Before the usurpation of power occurred, the British Government declared publicly that in no circumstances would it use force to prevent such action by the racist minority. This very sudden conversion to the doctrine of non-violence as a means of struggle against a rebellious colony apparently did not, and does not, apply to any other British colony. But it has allowed the Rhodesian
racists to maintain their position for three years, with the support of those other allies of Britain — Portugal and South Africa.
16. And what has been Britain’s alternative to force as a means of bringing down the Smith régime, and beginning Zimbabwe’s progress to independence? It called the racist leaders traitors. Various “voluntary” trade sanctions were applied; after six weeks had elapsed an oil boycott was announced. Later, a few more financial sanctions were applied. When this “little-by-little” minimum action was unsuccessful in rectifying the situation within “weeks, not months”, the United Nations was asked for support. Not until this year were mandatory sanctions imposed by the United Nations; before that Britain would not agree. And even now, capitalist firms — with British money involved, if nothing else — still trade with Rhodesia. Britain’s allies still act as middle-men between the Rhodesian racists and other capitalist firms. At no point has the British Government accepted firm and universal action against the régime in Rhodesia. It still does not accept it.
17. Is this Organization, which is committed by its Charter to the freedom and dignity of man, to wait forever upon the decisions of the very country whose actions precipitated the present crisis? Is the United Nations going to remain idle while the forces of apartheid and colonialism, backed by the inaction of Britain, persecute and suppress the people of Zimbabwe? Or will the United Nations accept the obligations of the Charter we all claim to have accepted?
18. The British Government has failed, and is still failing, to take the action which is necessary to resolve the situation in Rhodesia. Despite all that has happened, it has reiterated its determination not to use military force. My delegation will speak on this question again at a later stage, but even now it is surely clear that the United Nations must take some decisive action if it is to remain true to itself. Under Chapter VII of the Charter, the United Nations must impose total mandatory sanctions in a manner that would seal off all possibilities of approach to the Territory. At the same time, this Organization must call upon the British Government to take the necessary action — that is, to use force — to crush the racist white régime. Such action would be belated, but every week that passes increase the dangers of a continued failure to take effective action.
19. Unfortunately, Zimbabwe is not the only area in Southern Africa which is suffering under the yoke of colonialism. The continuing war launched by the Portuguese Government against the peoples of Mozambique, of Angola, and of Guinea (Bissau) is causing ever greater suffering as the success and the determination of the freedom fighters increase. This war is being fought at the instance of the Portuguese Government. But that country can continue its endeavours to retain a hold over the African peoples only because of the active support which it receives from the other members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Mozambique and Angola form a large reservoir of rich natural resources; and these two countries are strategically located on the flanks of apartheid South Africa. Every victory of the people’s liberation forces reveals further evidence of the material support which is being given to the Portuguese forces by international imperialism. But, if this imperialist conspiracy with the Portuguese Government is not surprising, it is certainly contrary to the Charter and the decisions of the United Nations. It therefore remains the duty of this Assembly to condemn the attitude of those Western Governments which are rendering material assistance to the colonial aggressors, or which are allowing such material assistance to be given. It is the duty of this Organization to take the necessary action now to ensure compliance with its decision in favour of the freedom and independence of the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau).
20. On the question of Namibia, it is obvious that the South African fascist Government is impudently defying the demand by the United Nations that it should withdraw from the Territory. South Africa is continuing with its oppression, its racialism, and its slave policies in a Territory over which it has not the slightest legal or moral right. Again, it is obvious that South Africa is able to persist in its defiance because of the support it receives from its friends in the Western alliance. Without such support South Africa would not dare to defy this world Organization. In fact, if these countries honoured the decision of the United Nations, and used their power in support of freedom for Namibia, then the peoples of that country would be able to begin the task of overcoming the long years of oppression and degradation which they have suffered while the world has talked.
21. In brief, it is quite clear that the continued suppression of freedom, the continued racialism and the continued colonialism which are being suffered in southern Africa owe their existence to Members of this Organization. The Lisbon-Pretoria-Salisbury axis of defence for racist minority régimes is effective only because of the support it receives from countries which come to this rostrum and affirm their dedication to the principles of the United Nations Charter.
22. In fact, these nations are acting in direct contradiction to the Charter. For the Preamble to the Charter commits the Member nations of the United Nations to “reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small". Yet, in southern Africa, the blood of countless people is being shed in defence of capitalist monopoly exploitation, and to uphold the slavery of millions of African men and women. The United Republic of Tanzania cannot be a party to this cynical disregard of the principles adopted by this Organization. We are committed to the liberation of man from the tyranny of colonialism and the exploitation of imperialism. We shall continue to render support to the peoples engaged in the honourable struggle for the freedom of their countries.
23. I have spoken at length on the position in southern Africa. I have done so because my delegation believes that the situation there represents the greatest challenge to the principle of peace through justice, and to the principle of human dignity and human brotherhood. Yet, unfortunately, international imperialism is also active in many other parts of the world.
24. The Viet-Nam war continues unabated in its ferocity and ruthlessness. The hopes for a peaceful settlement which we had earlier placed in the Paris talks have proved to be misplaced. It is difficult now to visualize the possibility of an early settlement of this vicious conflict, and every day thousands of innocent people are gunned, bombed, maimed and killed. The United Republic of Tanzania cannot pretend to have a ready and quick answer to this terrible problem. None the less, it is our conviction that there is no legitimate basis for the intervention by any foreign nation in this conflict. There is no justification for the United States and its allies to wage war against the people of Viet-Nam, and to do this under the pretext of maintaining peace and security in that country is an added insult to the conscience of the world. What peace, what security exists in Viet-Nam as a result of the intervention of these Powers? Is it not clear that because of this intervention there is more suffering and more insecurity? The United Republic of Tanzania believes that the people of Viet-Nam themselves hold the key to a peaceful settlement of the conflict there. We are convinced that if the people could speak for themselves, without foreign interference, this conflict could be settled.
25. The Viet-Nam war is a most tragic example of a denial of basic human rights and respect for man’s dignity. It represents most blatant disregard for the right of small nations to self-determination. We cannot fail to condemn it. We cannot fail to request that those foreign Powers which are intervening in an internal conflict should withdraw and leave Viet-Nam alone. Tanzania is convinced that when this happens the people will show their desire for peace, and a war that has lasted for more than twenty years will cease. In particular, the United Republic of Tanzania calls upon the United States of America and its allies to cease unconditionally all acts of war against the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam.
26. The United Republic of Tanzania has also been profoundly shocked this year by the military occupation of a Member nation of this Organization, in direct contravention of the Charter. Our shock was the greater because the occupation of Czechoslovakia was carried out amidst professions of friendship and solidarity and was justified by the aggressors on the grounds of strengthening socialism. Tanzania categorically rejects these justifications. We do not accept that any nation has the right to appoint itself as the messiah of another nation. In particular, as a nation dedicated to the building of socialism, we reject the claim that this moral and political doctrine involves the right of any one nation to dominate another. We recognize that the tragedy of Czechoslovakia has nothing to do with socialism. It has to do with power. For the events in that country have really been nothing else but a demonstration of the basic insecurity of small nations in the face of big-Power adventurism. It is this insecurity of the poor and weak which the United Nations was intended to rectify.
27. In the Middle East also the situation remains as tense and explosive as ever. It continues to pose a real and imminent danger to the peace and security of the world. For the ray of hope which emerged following the adoption of Security Council resolution 242(1967), of 22 November 1967, and the subsequent appointment of Dr. Gunnar Jarring as the Special Representative of the Secretary-General appears to have been a mirage. There is, in fact, no evidence whatsoever, so far, that Israel is prepared to accept and implement the Security Council resolution. It is this disregard of world public opinion, the contempt displayed towards resolutions of this Assembly as well as those of the Security Council, and the continued occupation of Arab lands by Israeli forces, which constitute the most serious threat to peace and security in the Middle East.
28. The United Republic of Tanzania accepts that Israel, as much as any other State, has tie right to exist in peace. But it does not have the right to occupy the territory of its neighbours, and as long as Israel continues to occupy the Arab lands it is not possible to have peace and security in the Middle East. It is imperative that the international community should take more concrete measures to ensure that the Security Council resolution of 22 November 1967 is fulfilled. Only then can we hope to avoid another conflagration in that area.
29. My delegation notes with profound concern the continuation of the Nigeria-Biafra war. By now the international community is fully aware of the magnitude of the suffering which is involved in this genocidal conflict. It is not necessary for me to remind this Assembly that, for over fifteen months, this terrible: slaughter has been continuing. Even the most conservative estimates speak of the massacre of thousands of innocent people, to say nothing of those thousands of women and children who are dying a slow and lingering death due to starvation.
30. Tanzania is convinced that there cannot be a military solution to this grave problem. Guns can cause massive extermination and severe devastation; but they cannot subdue the will of a determined people. Guns cannot convince a people that those who wield them are their friends and fellow citizens. A military conquest is no substitute for the peaceful solution of a problem of unity. It is for this reason Tanzania again appeals for an immediate cease-fire. Let this bloodshed stop now, so that the problems of rebuilding a spirit of brotherhood can be tackled.
31. But whether the war ends now, or continues for more bitter months, the United Nations cannot remain unconcerned about the suffering of those millions of Biafrans who have been made refugees within their own homeland. Let us, at the very least, find ways and means of effectively assisting in the supply and delivery of humanitarian relief supplies to the victims of this war.
32. Human conflicts may be inevitable. But the suffering, misery, and degradation which arise from these conflicts are multiplied a million times by the level of armaments which exists in the world. It is our conviction that only through general and complete disarmament can there be attained some measure of security amongst our nations, and the United Republic of Tanzania will, therefore, continue to give maximum support to all genuine endeavours in this direction. We are not so naive as to expect that this goal
will be achieved quickly, or all in one step. We recognize that every limitation of armaments, or of their use, can make a contribution to this end; and we shall support every step which is really designed to reduce the threat which armaments represent. But it is not only important that steps should be taken in this matter. They must be the right steps. It is our conviction that the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in its present form [see resolution 2373(XXII)] is not a step in the right direction. On the contrary, it is an exercise in self-delusion and Tanzania is unable to indulge in it.
33. We had hoped, in connexion with a non-proliferation treaty, that the nuclear Powers would make visible endeavours to reciprocate that surrender of rights which the non-nuclear Powers were being asked to make. For the events in the world over recent years and months give us no reason to trust vague assurances of goodwill. Specifically, the United Republic of Tanzania had wished to see a definite and categorical pledge by the nuclear Powers not to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear States under any circumstances.
34. During the debate in the First Committee at the resumed twenty-second session of the General Assembly, at the 1570th meeting, the Tanzanian delegation spoke on the question of atomic energy for peaceful purposes. It is not my intention to repeat that statement. But our call for a greater spread of the uses of atomic energy for peaceful purposes does not allow us to accept the beggar-and-benefactor arrangements envisaged in the present non-proliferation Treaty. We continue to believe that atomic energy can be of great importance in the struggle for economic development, and we believe that it is of the greatest importance that all countries — without discrimination — should have access to it. We are fully aware of the possibility that States may misuse atomic energy and convert it from peaceful to warlike purposes. For that reason we are in full support of all the international machinery which may exist, or could be instituted, to prevent such actions. But this machinery must apply to all; it must not discriminate against the weaker nations. It is for such reasons that we cannot accept the proposals in the present Treaty.
35. The fact that we cannot accept the present non-proliferation Treaty does not mean that we have become uninterested in disarmament. I must stress that fact. We are very interested, and we shall continue to watch, and to participate in, the disarmament discussions at Geneva and elsewhere. Our concern is that every step along the road to disarmament shall be a genuine one.
36. Let me turn now to the problems of development; for the world economic situation provides very little possibility of comfort for the developing nations. We have seen a continuation of the trend whereby the terms of international trade move more and more in favour of the developed nations of the north. The prices of manufactured and capital investment goods continue to rise, and the prices of primary products remain static or fall. This situation nullified the constant efforts which developing nations are making to improve the lives and welfare of their peoples. In addition, foreign aid from developed countries continues to decline — in absolute as well as in real terms. This is happening despite the pledges by the developed countries to maintain foreign aid at a level of about 1 per cent of their gross national products. The pledges exist; the action does not honour them.
37. The second session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development was clearly a failure. I think it would be absurd for us to pretend otherwise. Despite the great efforts made, nothing concrete or substantial emerged from the New Delhi meeting. That was the more to be regretted because the first UNCTAD meeting had set the tone and had laid down the general directions of principle and policy which should govern a new — and more equitable — order of international trade.
38. Many reasons have been put forward for the failure of our development efforts so far. Some have argued that it is due to the expense of armaments and the so-called “local wars” with which our world is plagued. Some have attributed the failure to balance-of-payments problems and devaluations of currency among the developed nations. Some have maintained that the lack of a sense of self-reliance and horizontal integration of the economies of the developing nations lies at the root of the failure to reform international economics. Still other explanations have been put forward: the reluctance of the advanced industrialized nations to increase the prices they pay for primary products or to receive more manufactured and semi-manufactured goods from developing countries without insisting upon reciprocity; the reduction of aid; the lack of effort to stabilize market prices of both manufactured and primary products; and so on. Perhaps the truth is that all those things are involved and that action on any one could help to deal with this problem. Yet, underlying all the failures, is a failure of will, as well as a failure by the world to recognize the importance of the present inequity in international economic relations. If the will to reform existed, the real and technical problems would be half-way to solution.
39. In fact, it appears to my delegation that the failure of the United Nations Development Decade to lead to great advances in development may have occurred because emphasis was placed on the wrong things. The major emphasis was placed upon the improvement and achievement of the basic condition of man in this era of modern technology. In the last decade man has made great conquests in outer space. We have refined and extended the power of weapons of destruction. We are in the process of conquering the vast domain of the deep sea and ocean floor. Great buildings and vast engineering projects have been undertaken. However, the basic condition of man remains as wretched as ever; the uplift of human dignity has found but few champions. In our development plans we have tended to forget the purpose of development.
40. In the coming years let us rearrange our priorities. Let us put the dignity and worth of the human person — everywhere in the world — at the top of our list of priorities. Let us deal with man and men’s problems.
41. There is only one other thing I have to say to this Assembly today and, in this connexion, I am unfortunately forced to repeat what has been said many times before by the Tanzanian delegations to this Assembly. It has also been said by many other delegations. I refer to the continued exclusion of the People’s Republic of China from this Assembly and from the other organs of the United Nations. By the constitution of this Organization the people of China have an important and honoured place. It is absurd that, more than nineteen years after the Chinese people replaced their Government by one more to their liking, this Assembly should pretend they are represented by the Government they discarded. It is time we corrected this anomaly and reinstated the representatives of the People’s Republic of China in their rightful place. Only when we have done so will our talk of self-determination, of nationality, of peace and of disarmament begin to make
sense; for these things cannot be given proper consideration while the most populous nation of the world is excluded and while a powerful nuclear State is prevented from participating in our deliberations. At this session, as at previous sessions, Tanzania will co-operate fully with those delegations that are working to correct this deliberate attempt to reduce the effectiveness of the United Nations.
42. As the twenty-third session of the General Assembly coincides with the twentieth anniversary of the Declaration of Human Rights, it would be fitting that Member States of this Organization pledge themselves to work with renewed vigour and dynamism for the elimination of injustice and oppression in all its forms. On behalf of Tanzania, I make that pledge.